2026-05-17T10:40:00Z https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/oai

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/2 2021-07-12T08:10:18Z fetrian:ART

SHUTTLE DIPLOMACY INDONESIA DI ASEAN TERKAIT KONFLIK LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN Aziz, Muhammad Naufal Indonesia, South China Sea, Shuttle Diplomacy, Mediation Indonesia, South China Sea, Shuttle Diplomacy, Mediation This research aim to analyze the succeeding factors of mediation inside the Shuttle Diplomacy that is conducted by Indonesia for two days in bringing together ASEAN countries voices after a deadlock on the 45th AMM meeting in Cambodia. Researchers refers to Lawrence Susskind and Eileen Babbitt works to explain why a mediation effort could work effectively, namely with the awareness of not carrying out unilateral actions, drafting alternative agreements to avoid ongoing conflict, delegates in negotiations are people who have authority and are committed in implement agreed actions, external factors that force the parties to seek a conflict resolution, the mediator is someone who could be accepted by all parties. This is a qualitative research with descriptive analysis methods to find the answers what makes shuttle diplomacy that is conducted by Indonesia could be working effectively. This research found that the mediation could be effective because there is awareness of each ASEAN country not to carry out unilateral actions towards the conflict, Marty Natalegawa proposed the Six Point Principle on the South China Sea draft as an alternative to communique that has failed before and ensured this agreement is obeyed by all parties, Indonesia’s role as mediator and the existence of other international interests also forcing ASEAN countries to determine a common perspective towards South China Sea conflict. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-07-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/2 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.37-78.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 37-78 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/2/2 Copyright (c) 2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/3 2021-07-12T08:10:16Z fetrian:ART

KEPATUHAN INDONESIA TERHADAP REZIM ASEAN AGREEMENT ON TRANSBOUNDARY HAZE POLLUTION (AATHP) Yusra, Rani Nova Regime Compliance Indonesia AATHP Haze The aim of this research is to analyse Indonesia’s compliance with the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) regime, where Indonesia as the main actor in cross-border smoke haze pollutions is in the spotlight in every forest fire that occurred in the Southeast Asia region which resulted in cross-border smog. This research is a qualitative research with data collection techniques namely internet-based literature study. The analysis in this research uses international regime theory and regime compliance with indicators of outputs, outcomes and impact. From the result of the analysis in this research, it can be concluded that Indonesia obeys the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) regime because Indonesia has succeeded in fulfilling the three indicators of regime compliance theory. From the outputs indicator, Indonesia has succeeded in making regulations and institutions, from the outcomes indicator which can be seen from Indonesia’s consistency in acting and implementing programs and from impacts indicator is proven by the improvement of the environment quality especially  Indonesia’s forests. The aim of this research is to analyse Indonesia’s compliance with the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) regime, where Indonesia as the main actor in cross-border smoke haze pollutions is in the spotlight in every forest fire that occurred in the Southeast Asia region which resulted in cross-border smog. This research is a qualitative research with data collection techniques namely internet-based literature study. The analysis in this research uses international regime theory and regime compliance with indicators of outputs, outcomes and impact. From the result of the analysis in this research, it can be concluded that Indonesia obeys the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) regime because Indonesia has succeeded in fulfilling the three indicators of regime compliance theory. From the outputs indicator, Indonesia has succeeded in making regulations and institutions, from the outcomes indicator which can be seen from Indonesia’s consistency in acting and implementing programs and from impacts indicator is proven by the improvement of the environment quality especially  Indonesia’s forests. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-07-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/3 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.79-121.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 79-121 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/3/3 Copyright (c) 2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/4 2021-07-12T08:10:15Z fetrian:ART

MOTIVASI JERMAN DALAM MENERIMA PENGUNGSI ASAL SURIAH PADA TAHUN 2015 Yeni, Mila Fitri Motivasi Jerman Kebijakan Pengungsi Suriah This research aims to analyze Germany’s Motivation to accept Syrian refugee in 2015 at German policy of Open Door Policy. A foreign policy that was chosen by the state is rational choice by calculating the benefit earned and cost paid through the policy based on national interests. This research was analysed using the concept Rational Model of Decision Making by Karen A.Mingst this concept sees the formulation of a state’s foreign policy based on the considerations of the costs and benefits a state gets on the issue at hand, in which the state will choose a policy with greater profits than its sacrifices. The researcher concluded that Germany’s open door policy toward Syrian refugees was a rational choice because it has that advantage in the form of adding labor that has an effect on the economic aspect for Germany Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-07-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/4 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.158-201.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 158-201 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/4/5 Copyright (c) 2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/5 2021-07-12T08:10:19Z fetrian:ART

DIPLOMASI PUBLIK INDONESIA KE MALAYSIA PASKA KEBIJAKAN PENENGGELAMAN KAPAL MALAYSIA DI LAUT INDONESIA Imelda, Umaya Bebi Sinking ship Image Malaysia Indonesia Public Diplomacy This research aim to analyzes public diplomacy that is conducted by Indonesia to restore the positive image of Indonesia after the existence of ship sinking policy by Indonesia to foreign fishing boats originating from Malaysia. The Malaysian public began to respond to Indonesia related to the drowning of ships owned by Malaysian fisherman who is conducted illegal fishing in Indonesia. Malaysian public began to say that the policies imposed during the reign of President Joko Widodo is impressed arrogant, and do not look at a cognate country that is carried these of two countries. After a response from the Malaysian public, Indonesia began to try with public diplomacy to improve its image again. This research uses a descriptive methods. Researchers use the concept of public diplomacy proposed by Kishan S. Rana. There are 3 components, namely News Management, Country as Brand, and An Alternative Approach. In this research, Indonesia has conducted public diplomacy to Malaysia through news management in Indonesian media and Youtube, re-branding with Wonderful Indonesia, and alternative approach through cultural expo. The main objective of this study is to analyze Indonesian public diplomacy toward the Malaysian public to improve Indonesia positive image following the negative effect of the Indonesia government ship sinking policy. Malaysian public reacts negatively after the Indonesian government sinks Malaysia’s ship which illegally fishing in Indonesia territory. Indonesia uses public diplomacy to manage the negative reaction of Malaysia public. This research uses the descriptive method through literature reviews. Researchers adopt the concept of public diplomacy proposed by Kishan S. Rana. There are 3 components, namely News Management, Country as Brand, and An Alternative Approach. This research concludes that Indonesia has conducted public diplomacy to the Malaysian public through news management in Indonesian media and Youtube, re-branding with Wonderful Indonesia, and an alternative approach through the cultural expo. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-03-05 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/5 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.1-38.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 1-36 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/5/1 Copyright (c) 2019 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/6 2021-07-12T08:10:14Z fetrian:ART

STRATEGI WOMEN FOR WOMEN INTERNATIONAL (WFWI) DALAM PEMBERDAYAAN PEREMPUAN DI AFGHANISTAN Septiadi, Gilang Agung Discrimination against Women, Afghanistan, Liberal Feminism, Development NGOs, WFWI. This research aims to analyze the strategy of Women for Women International (WFWI) in women empowerment in Afghanistan from 2013 until 2017. This research use qualitative method with analytical descriptive technique. There are two concepts used in this research. First is the concept of Liberal Feminism which will explain the discrimination of women in Afghanistan and second is the concept of Development of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which will explain women's empowerment in Afghanistan by WFWI. The findings of this research are the success of WFWI in empowering women in Afghanistan which is characterized by their life which before they are only have private life, after empowered they have been able to contribute to public life such as health care, education and employment. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-07-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/6 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.122-157.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 122-157 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/6/4 Copyright (c) 2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/135 2021-07-12T08:10:13Z fetrian:ART

RESPON MALAYSIA TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN SINKING-SHIP INDONESIA Hakim, Wulan Nurul Malaysia; Indonesia; sinking-ship; policy; maritime; response This research describes the Malaysian policy as a response to the Indonesian sinking-ship policy executed in 2014. This research uses qualitative research approach with descriptive analysis method. This research applied the concept of Foreign Policy Change by Tomas Niklasson with three indicators, the degree of foreign policy change (adjustment, reform, restructuring), time-frame for change (rapidly or gradually) and the scope of foreign policy changes (regulatory, security, trade and economic stability, national identity and autonomy). In this research categorizes that responses of sinking-ship policy at the level of adjustment (minor change) due to a little change and categorizes at the rapidly because of rapid responses and less than five years. In the scope of policy change indicators, this research found that the changes in two policies, security and economy. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2019-08-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/135 10.25077/fetrian.1.1.202-230.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019); 202-230 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/135/6 Copyright (c) 2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/136 2021-07-12T08:10:11Z fetrian:ART

DIPLOMASI PUBLIK TIONGKOK KE AMERIKA SERIKAT PADA ERA HU JINTAO Tadif, Tri Fauzi Permata, Inda Mustika Sinulingga, Anita Afriani China threat, China, the United States, public diplomacy, image improvement China Threat, Tiongkok, Amerika Serikat, diplomasi publik, perbaikan citra This research discusses China's efforts to eliminate China Threat's perception in the United States on Hu Jintao reign. The Gallup survey indicator shows that the people of the United States began to view China as a threat related to the rise of China. To eliminate this assumption, during the reign of Hu Jintao, China began to carry out public diplomacy efforts to the United States in order to improve its image. The purpose of this study is to explain China's public diplomacy efforts to the United States during Hu Jintao's time as an effort to improve the image. This research was discussed using the concept of R.S Zaharna's public diplomacy.This research uses qualitative methods with library research data collection techniques. China's public diplomacy is mostly carried out by state actors with a cultural approach that targets the community, institutions and community. This study saw that almost all public diplomacy efforts such as student exchanges, cultural institution development and the establishment of sister cities by China had a positive impact, marked by China's favorable index in the United States which rose 40% in 2012. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai upaya diplomasi publik Tiongkok ke Amerika Serikat dalam menghilangkan persepsi China threat pada masa Hu Jintao. Indikator survey Gallup memperlihatkan bahwa masyarakat Amerika Serikat mulai memandang Tiongkok sebagai ancaman terkait kebangkitan Tiongkok Untuk menghilangkan anggapan tersebut, pada masa pemerintahan Hu Jintao ,Tiongkok mulai menjalankan upaya diplomasi publik ke Amerika Serikat dalam rangka memperbaiki citranya. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalahuntuk menjelaskan upaya diplomasi publik Tiongkok ke Amerika Serikat pada masa Hu Jintao sebagai upaya perbaikan citra. Penelitian ini dibahas menggunakan konsep diplomasi publik R.S Zaharna. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data library research . Diplomasi publik Tiongkok kebanyakan dilakukan oleh aktor negara dengan pendekatan budaya yang dengan target masyarakat, institusi dan komunitas. Penelitian ini melihat bahwa hampir semua upaya diplomasi publik seperti pertukaran pelajar, pembangunan institusi budaya dan pembentukan sister city yang dilakukan Tiongkok menimbulkan dampak positif ditandai dengan favourable index Tiongkok di Amerika Serikat yang naik 40% pada tahun 2012. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-01-17 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/136 10.25077/fetrian.1.2.231-261.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 2 (2019); 231-261 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/136/8 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/137 2021-07-12T08:10:09Z fetrian:ART

ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN PENERIMAAN PENGUNGSI SURIAH OLEH KANADA PADA MASA PM TRUDEAU Eldiati, Ressa Fatika This research will analyze Canadian policy in accepting Syrian refugees during the Trudeau period. This Canadian policy has become controversial given the issue of terrorism that is currently highlighted in the international world that these refugees could carry the threat of terrorism to other countries that result in these countries decided to reject refugees. However, despite with all of these issues Canada under the leadership of Trudeau actually decided to make a policy to accept the refugees that come to their country. This policy is completely different from the previous government which decide to reduce the entry of refugees to Canada. This research is an explanatory research through internet-based literature. Trudeau's policy in accepting Syrian refugees will be analyzed using the concept of determinants of foreign policy by William D. Coplin. There are four determinants that influence a country's foreign policy, which is, the international context, decision makers, domestic politics, and the economy and the military. This study found that of the four determinants, Canada's policy of accepting Syrian refugees during the Trudeau period was strongly influenced by public opinion in domestic political determinants, public opinion regarding the handling of refugees by Canada that had emerged since the election campaign in Canada and was Led by Trudeau to win the general election and economic conditions, Canadian needs for labour which drive the implementation of  this policy. Keywords: Policy, Syria, Refugees, Canada, Trudeau Penelitian ini menganalisis kebijakan Kanada dalam menerima pengungsi Suriah pada masa Trudeau. Kebijakan Kanada ini menjadi kontroversial mengingat isu terorisme yang sedang hangat di dunia internasional bahwa pengungsi ini membawa ancaman terorisme sehingga banyak negara menolak pengungsi. Namun, berbeda dari negara lain, Kanada di bawah pimpinan Trudeau justru mengeluarkan kebijakan untuk menerima pengungsi. Kebijakan ini juga berbanding terbalik dengan pemerintahan sebelumnya yang memilih untuk mengurangi masuknya pengungsi ke Kanada. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian eksplanatif melalui studi pustaka berbasis internet. Kebijakan Trudeau dalam menerima pengungsi Suriah ini akan di analisis menggunakan konsep determinan politik luar negeri oleh William D. Coplin. Terdapat empat determinan yang mempengaruhi kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara diambil, yaitu, konteks internasional, pengambil keputusan, politik dalam negeri, serta ekonomi dan militer. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa dari keempat determinan tersebut, kebijakan Kanada dalam menerima pengungsi Suriah pada masa Trudeau sangat dipengaruhi oleh opini publik dalam determinan politik dalam negeri yaitu opini masyarakat terkait penanganan pengungsi oleh Kanada yang telah muncul sejak masa kampanye pemilihan umum di Kanada dan dimanfaatkan oleh Trudeau untuk memenangkan pemilihan umum tersebut serta kondisi ekonomi yaitu kebutuhan Kanada terhadap tenaga kerja yang mendorong pelaksanaan kebijakan ini. Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Pengungsi, Suriah, Kanada, Trudeau Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-02-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/137 10.25077/fetrian.1.2.285-313.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 2 (2019); 285-313 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/137/10 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/138 2021-07-12T08:10:10Z fetrian:ART

INDONESIA GOVERNMENT'S EFFORT TO FACE EU DIRECTIVE REGULATION CONCERNING PALM OIL IN EUROPE Sasmi, Dini Tiara This article describes Indonesian Government effort dealing with new regulation in European Union, namely EU Directive which prohibit palm oil use for biodiesel. The European Commission has concluded in a regulation that palm oil use in biofuels will be reduced to zero by 2030. This regulation is based on allegations against oil palm plantation that causes excessive environmental damage. Environmental issues that arise as a result of the growing awareness of the international community in preserving the earth are often contrary to the wishes of a country in developing its economy. Campaigns from environmental activists in Indonesia highlight a lot about the palm oil industry which is often considered not sustainable and causes environmental damage. On the other hand, this campaign caused a negative reputation followed by the decline of Indonesia's palm oil exports to Europe. One of the regulations that arose was the EU Directive which was considered by the Indonesian government as discrimination against oil palm products and their derivatives. This article uses a qualitative analysis method. This study aims to analyze how the Indonesian government responds to the EU Directive regulation on Palm Oil which is considered detrimental to Indonesia's palm oil exports to Europe. This article describes Indonesian Government effort dealing with new regulation in European Union, namely EU Directive which prohibit palm oil use for biodiesel. The European Commission has concluded in a regulation that palm oil use in biofuels will be reduced to zero by 2030. This regulation is based on allegations against oil palm plantation that causes excessive environmental damage. Environmental issues that arise as a result of the growing awareness of the international community in preserving the earth are often contrary to the wishes of a country in developing its economy. Campaigns from environmental activists in Indonesia highlight a lot about the palm oil industry which is often considered not sustainable and causes environmental damage. On the other hand, this campaign caused a negative reputation followed by the decline of Indonesia's palm oil exports to Europe. One of the regulations that arose was the EU Directive which was considered by the Indonesian government as discrimination against oil palm products and their derivatives. This article uses a qualitative analysis method. This study aims to analyze how the Indonesian government responds to the EU Directive regulation on Palm Oil which is considered detrimental to Indonesia's palm oil exports to Europe. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-01-17 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/138 10.25077/fetrian.1.2.262-284.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 2 (2019); 262-284 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/138/9 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/139 2021-07-12T08:10:08Z fetrian:ART

Strategi Amerika Serikat dalam Menekan Pengembangan Nuklir Iran Sundari, Rio Iran, Unites States, Nuclear, Strategy. The purpose of this research “United States strategy in Suppressing Iran's Nuclear Development” as a critical analysis related to the controversy over nuclear development conducted by Iran. In the history of Iran's nuclear development, the United States is one of the countries that fully support this nuclear development. However, the dynamics of relations between Iran and the United States are a factor in the status of nuclear development. As a result, Iranian attitudes and policies that are not in line with the United States will result in a decline in American support for Iran’s nuclear development. Finally, in 2018 the US announced its exit from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and decided to impose economic sanctions on Iran which coincided with Iranian support for Syria which was contrary to US political attitudes. This research uses qualitative research methods using secondary data such as books, journals, articles, and other sources to provide analysis of this case. This research results in a finding of efforts and strategies carried out by the United States to suppress Iran’s nuclear development. This was done because of two things, first, related to the interests of the United States in the Middle East. Iran’s political stance is often at odds with the politics of the United States. Second, reduce and maintain the hegemony of Israel as a close ally of the United States in the Middle East. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-02-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/139 10.25077/fetrian.1.2.314-340.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 2 (2019); 314-340 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/139/12

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/207 2021-07-12T08:10:06Z fetrian:ART

Indian Food Security; from Problem to Solution through Household Food Security English Isnarti, Rika India, Food security, rural, household English This paper assess food security in India especially in rural area where food security condition is far behind. India is one of countries suffering from food insecurity that leads to nutrition insecurity. To achieve food security is not about how much food being produced, or analyzed the availability of food but also about food utility, a condition where everyone can achieve food nutrition with amount of food being produced. So, food security is also about how people can buy food in adequate price and accessible to free from malnutrition and obtain good dietary for healthy life, the utility of food. Therefore, if we want to achieve food security, this is important to provide high nutrition food with affordably price rather than provide high food production but people have no access to it. Therefore, this paper assess India problem in food security, impact and solutions, Which on food security in household level. This research is a qualitative research  utilizes library research to gather and analyses the data. It found that, India food security problem mostly occurs in rural area which cause malnutrition therefore, to achieve food security in India, the government combines government programs with household and women programs such as giving subsidy for small and poor household, giving food to children and subsidizing grain for farmers and create home garden. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-03-08 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/207 10.25077/fetrian.2.1.1-27.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 1-28 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/207/14 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/208 2021-07-12T08:10:07Z fetrian:ART

UNICEF and the WASH: Analisis Terhadap Peran UNICEF Dalam Mengatasi Masalah Ketersediaan Air Bersih di India Kusumawardhana, Indra Nur Auliya, Annisa Asti UNICEF, Clean water, Sanitation, WASH Programs, India The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a blueprint for sustainable global development for equitable growth and prosperity between countries. One indicator of equitable growth is the achievement of adequate access to drinking water, sanitation and hygiene and stopping open defecation (BABS) activities. But the difficulty of access to clean water sources and good sanitation facilities is still an urgent problem in India. More than 50% of the water has been polluted and cannot be consumed. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 97 million Indians do not have access to clean water and proper sanitation. This is caused by various factors, among others, first the habits of the people (culture) who conduct BABS activities. Second, lack of education and human awareness of environmental cleanliness. And the third is the lack of public toilet facilities provided by the government. These problems have a major impact on the health of local communities such as diarrhea and pneumonia. Efforts by the Indian government to solve these problems have yet to produce a significant impact. So that the United Nations (UN) opened an open working group to formulate proposals related to global development planning on clean water and sanitation supported by UNICEF through the WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene) Program. The implementation of this program is aimed at overcoming the impact of problems that give special focus to children. This research will further examine the role of UNICEF in overcoming sanitation problems in India through the WASH Program. The method used in this study uses qualitative methods to explain systematically and factually. This study uses the theory of the Role of International Organizations. This theory is used to explain and emphasize UNICEF in carrying out its roles based on the values ??set by international organizations. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a blueprint for sustainable global development for equitable growth and prosperity between countries. One indicator of equitable growth is the achievement of adequate access to drinking water, sanitation and hygiene and stopping open defecation (BABS) activities. But the difficulty of access to clean water sources and good sanitation facilities is still an urgent problem in India. More than 50% of the water has been polluted and cannot be consumed. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 97 million Indians do not have access to clean water and proper sanitation. This is caused by various factors, among others, first the habits of the people (culture) who conduct BABS activities. Second, lack of education and human awareness of environmental cleanliness. And the third is the lack of public toilet facilities provided by the government. These problems have a major impact on the health of local communities such as diarrhea and pneumonia. Efforts by the Indian government to solve these problems have yet to produce a significant impact. So that the United Nations (UN) opened an open working group to formulate proposals related to global development planning on clean water and sanitation supported by UNICEF through the WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene) Program. The implementation of this program is aimed at overcoming the impact of problems that give special focus to children. This research will further examine the role of UNICEF in overcoming sanitation problems in India through the WASH Program. The method used in this study uses qualitative methods to explain systematically and factually. This study uses the theory of the Role of International Organizations. This theory is used to explain and emphasize UNICEF in carrying out its roles based on the values ??set by international organizations. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-03-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/208 10.25077/fetrian.1.2.341-378.2019 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 1 No. 2 (2019); 341-378 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/208/13 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/209 2022-07-21T17:32:08Z fetrian:ART

Potensi Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapura (IMS-GT) Sebagai Stumblinh Block terhadap Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN Rudiany, Novita Putri Anugrah, Puti Tantia IMS-GT, sub-regional cooperation, AEC, stumbling block IMS-GT, kerja sama sub-regional, MEA, stumbling block This article is about cooperation in the Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Growth Triangle, which can be the stumbling block towards the ASEAN Economic Community. Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Growth Triangle (IMS-GT) is a growth triangle cooperation between Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This cooperation has been going on for more than 20 years and now it works in line with the existence ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). AEC is a form of ASEAN cooperation that wants to realize economic integration in the Southeast Asia. AEC also aims to create an area that has high investment flow with programs to be taken. However, with the existence of IMS-GT, the achievement of AEC can be hampered. Thus, this study will analyze how the IMS-GT sub-regional cooperation can impact the process of AEC. The method used is a qualitative method. The results show that IMS-GT has the potential to become a stumbling block for AEC. This article will only focus on the forms of collaboration IMS-GT, so that other forms of cooperation will not be discussed.Keywords: IMS-GT, sub-regional cooperation, AEC, stumbling block Artikel ini berisi tentang kerja sama di dalam kawasan Asia Tenggara yaitu Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Growth Triangle yang berpotensi sebagi stumbling block terhadap Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN. Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Growth Triangle (IMS-GT) merupakan bentuk kesepakatan kerja sama segitiga pertumbuhan antara Indonesia, Malaysia, dan Singapura. Kerja sama ini sudah berjalan lebih dari 20 tahun dan dewasa ini berjalan seiring dengan Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN (MEA). MEA merupakan sebuah bentuk kerja sama ASEAN yang ingin mewujudkan integrasi ekonomi di kawasan Asia Tenggara. MEA juga bertujuan untuk menciptakan kawasan yang memiliki alur investasi tinggi dengan program dan langkah-langkah yang akan ditempuh. Namun, dengan keberadaan IMS-GT, pencapaian MEA dapat terhambat. Sehingga, tujuan dari artikel ini adalah menganalisis bagaimana kerja sama sub-regional IMS-GT dapat berdampak kepada proses kerja sama MEA. Metode yang dipergunakan adalah metode kualitatif. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa IMS-GT berpotensi untuk menjadi stumbling block bagi MEA. Artikel ini akan berfokus pada bentuk kerja sama IMS-GT, sehingga bentuk kerja sama lainnya tidak akan dibahas.  Kata kunci: IMS-GT, kerja sama sub-regional, MEA, stumbling block Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-06-24 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/209 10.25077/fetrian.2.1.114-141.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 114-141 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/209/19 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/210 2020-07-13T23:04:23Z fetrian:ART

Perluasan Kerja Sama Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Dalam Pandangan Teori Geopolitik McKinder Ramadhan, Iqbal Abstract In the modern world politics, China has become prominent actor in International Relations Studies. This country emerges as one of world greatest economy. Sustaining its growing economy needs a lot of supports. One of them is energy. Previously, China is a member of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), an institution that consists several states from Central Asia. China expands its cooperation through SCO by developing strategic cooperation in energy sector. From this cooperation, China will gain energy necessities from their Central Asia partners. By developing this strategic cooperation, China also receives geopolitical advantage. This article aims to analyse China’s geopolitical advantage from the expanding of their cooperation in SCO. The author uses theory of classical geopolitics from McKinder (Heartland Theory) and several geopolitical concepts. The conclusion of this paper is China has a geopolitical advantage due its position in the circle of Heartland, but also from the benefit of its cooperation who try to accommodate China and Central Asian countries’ interest in energy sector.   Keyword: geopolitics, McKinder Theory, China, Shanghai Cooperation Organization   Abstract In the modern world politics, China has become prominent actor in International Relations Studies. This country emerges as one of world greatest economy. Sustaining its growing economy needs a lot of supports. One of them is energy. Previously, China is a member of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), an institution that consists several states from Central Asia. China expands its cooperation through SCO by developing strategic cooperation in energy sector. From this cooperation, China will gain energy necessities from their Central Asia partners. By developing this strategic cooperation, China also receives geopolitical advantage. This article aims to analyse China’s geopolitical advantage from the expanding of their cooperation in SCO. The author uses theory of classical geopolitics from McKinder (Heartland Theory) and several geopolitical concepts. The conclusion of this paper is China has a geopolitical advantage due its position in the circle of Heartland, but also from the benefit of its cooperation who try to accommodate China and Central Asian countries’ interest in energy sector.   Keyword: geopolitics, McKinder Theory, China, Shanghai Cooperation Organization   Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-07-14 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/210 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 142-163 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/210/20 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/211 2021-07-12T08:10:05Z fetrian:ART

The Interest of the United States in North Korea's Denuclearization Process Kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam Proses Denuklirisasi Korea Utara Ardiani, Javira United States, Denuclearization, Interest, North Korea, Status Quo State The United States is a country that seeks to realize denuclearization in Korean Peninsula. Though the United States is not a party that will be directly threatened because the United States have more stronger nuclear capability than North Korea’s nuclear. This study aims to describe the interests of the United States as a Status Quo State in the process of denuclearization of North Korea. The conceptual framework used by this study is Randall L. Schweller's Range of State Interest concept. This research uses a qualitative research method with descriptive analytical research that uses secondary data. Based on the concept of Range of State Interest, this research found that the United States as a 'Lion' country has an interest in maximizing security which includes maintaining its identity as a nuclear possession country, maintaining trade with East Asian countries, and improving governmental functions. Whereas in maintaining its position, the United States has an interest in maintaining its alliance with South Korea and Japan, maintaining prestige for world peace, and realizing CVID (Complete, Verifiable, and Irreversible Dismantlement) or full denuclearization. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-05-14 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/211 10.25077/fetrian.2.1.56-87.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 56-87 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/211/17 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/212 2021-07-12T08:10:03Z fetrian:ART

Diplomasi Publik : Bagaimana posisinya bagi Indonesia? Trisni, Sofia Indonesia Directorate of Public Diplomacy Public Diplomacy Public diplomacy is a popular instrument used to meet the interests of the state. It claims that nowadays, nations are competed to pay attention to the implementation of public diplomacy. This article is interested in exploring the phenomenon above by research Indonesian public diplomacy to find out the position of public diplomacy for Indonesia. This article uses the literature study method concerning documents from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, several speeches by state officials, and journal articles. By referring to the concept of public diplomacy, the author tries to analyze the position of public diplomacy for Indonesia. The documents used as data sources in this paper indicate that public diplomacy has occupied a particular spot for Indonesia, bearing in mind that Indonesia already has a special directorate to take care of the implementation of public diplomacy. Additionally, some objectives of public diplomacy are often delivered by state officials in several of their speeches which, indicates its specialty.   Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-05-14 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/212 10.25077/fetrian.2.1.29-55.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 29-55 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/212/16 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/215 2022-07-21T17:04:43Z fetrian:ART

Pendekatan Hubungan Internasional Terhadap Perlindungan Pengungsi : Menjelaskan Inisiatif Kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia dan UNHCR: Menjelaskan Inisiatif Kebijakan Pemerintah Suyastri, Cifebrima Extraterritorial, Refugee Regime, Refugee Protection, International Law, National Interest A major problem with this research is the arrival of refugee in Indonesia as a human security issue because this issue stems from the non-traditional concept of security that attracts international relations researchers, because of the presence of refugee from abroad without any regulation and explaining that refugees can threaten the stability of regional security. The arrival of refugees has implications on economic, social, environmental, and health problems for the host country. There was an immense amount of debate about the possibility of states adopting extraterritorial approaches to asylum processing and refugee protection, and about such policies’ compatibility with international refugee and human rights law. De-territorialize refugee protection and of UNHCR’s strategy in the evolving consultations. The issues of who, why, and how to protect refugees pose a series of normative challenges that can only be addressed by recognizing the dynamic nature of refugee protection today. Our answers have implications for institutional design. On one hand, this is a way of potentially making refugee protection sustainable in the long run. Some argue, however, that refugees acquire rights over time, which necessitates some kind of pathway to naturalization and ultimately citizenship. The most basic and significant norm of the international refugee regime emerges from the decision to allow states to take direct control of the process of refugee determination and to establish a legal framework permitting the screening of refugee applicants on a variety of national interest grounds. In this way, the refugee regime reproduces the state as the normal form of political organization, and the actor empowered to make life and death decisions over the human population. This research methodology is qualitative with literature study methods and case studies with a single instrument using participant observation techniques and in-depth interviews. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2020-05-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/215 10.25077/fetrian.2.1.88-113.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020); 88-113 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/215/18 Copyright (c) 2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/218 2021-07-12T08:09:58Z fetrian:ART

Transmitter and Socialization: The Role of UNICEF in Preventing Girl Trafficking in India Transmitter dan Sosialisasi: Peran UNICEF dalam Mencegah Perdagangan Anak Perempuan di India Chania, Imelda Moenir, Haiyyu Darman Girls UNICEF Trafficking Norm Diffuse India Anak Perempuan UNICEF Perdagangan Norm Diffuse India This research attempts to describe the role of UNICEF in preventing cases of trafficking of girls in India through the Country Program Action Plan (CPAP) 2013-2017. This is important because of the patriarchal culture in the social fabric of Indian society and the high level of poverty, which drives the trafficking of girls. Besides, this program is also the result of the collaboration between the Indian government and UNICEF in preventing the trafficking of girls in India. This study uses the concept of norm diffusion to answer research questions. A qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach applied in this research method. This research shows UNICEF's role in India as a forum to transmit the idea of ??child protection to Indians, as well as to socialize the beliefs and norms of protecting girls to the Indian government so that rules and policies are in line with the ideas and norms. Penelitian ini mencoba menggambarkan peran UNICEF dalam mencegah kasus perdagangan perempuan di India melalui Rencana Aksi Program Negara (CPAP) 2013-2017. Ini penting karena budaya patriarki dalam tatanan sosial masyarakat India dan tingkat kemiskinan yang tinggi, yang mendorong perdagangan perempuan. Selain itu, program ini juga merupakan hasil kolaborasi antara pemerintah India dan UNICEF dalam mencegah perdagangan perempuan di India. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep difusi norma untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian. Metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif-analitik yang diterapkan dalam metode penelitian ini. Penelitian ini menunjukkan peran UNICEF di India sebagai forum untuk mentransmisikan gagasan perlindungan anak kepada masyarakat India, serta untuk mensosialisasikan kepercayaan dan norma melindungi anak perempuan kepada pemerintah India sehingga aturan dan kebijakan sejalan dengan ide dan norma.   Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/218 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.62-80.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 62-80 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/218/26 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/221 2021-07-12T08:09:56Z fetrian:ART

Securitization of China Fine Dust by South Korea Government to China Sekuritisasi China Fine Dust oleh Pemerintah Korea Selatan terhadap Tiongkok Nabila, Eryolanda Putri China, China Fine Dust, securitization, South Korea China Fine Dust issue has emerged in 2013 and increase in 2014 so that South Korea suffered from the impact. Meanwhile, China as a contributor of the haze refuses to take responsibility for tackling this issue, so that South Korea must securitize. This study aims to describe the process of securitization of China Fine Dust issue carried out by South Korea to China by using the concept of securitization by Barry Buzan as an analytical framework. The research method used is a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The data used in this research was collected through literature study. The securitization process carried out by the South Korean Government against China began with South Korea carrying out a scientific agenda to identify a threat with China's initial involvement of 48%. Then political agenda, which are three points; influencing the public to gain support, forming a domestic emergency policy, holding a bilateral meeting to convince China to work together because domestic actions are not enough yet. The continuation of political management shows that the agenda of securitization carried out by South Korea made China accept the issue as a threat and agreed to cooperate in tackling the haze issue by releasing several projects. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-24 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/221 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.111-141.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 111-141 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/221/28 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/227 2021-07-12T08:09:53Z fetrian:ART

Act East Policy: Analysis of India's Internal and External Factors in issuing the Act East Policy towards South Korea (2014-2019) Act East Policy: Analisis Faktor Internal dan Eksternal India dalam mengeluarkan Act East Policy terhadap Korea Selatan (2014-2019) Prabhandhari, Ni Putu Dyana Aryani, Maria Indira India ; Korea Selatan ; Act East Policy ; South Korea ; Startegic Partnership   The Asian region is undergoing significant changes, along with the rise of China as a new power since Deng Xiaoping's leadership. The increasing power of China has caused unrest not only for countries in the Asian region, but also for other Western countries, such as the United States. Increasing China's power has the potential to destabilize the region. One of the countries experiencing unrest with the disruption of regional stability due to China's increasing power is India. In order to keep India from being affected by the regional instability, India is promoting improved relations with its neighboring countries and identifying potential non-traditional partners by issuing the Act East Policy. With Act East Policy, India seeks to improve relations with one of its potential trading partners, namely South Korea. This research is then aimed at analyzing the factors that led India to choose South Korea as the target of the Act East Policy from 2014 to 2019. This research will be analyzed using a qualitative explanative method and using a determinant thinking base of foreign policy and strategic environment. Based on the author's analysis, the factors that underlie India choosing South Korea can be divided into internal factors, namely the change of leaders in India and Indian economic conditions, and external factors, namely bilateral relations between the two countries. Wilayah Asia tengah mengalami perubahan yang signifikan, seiring dengan kebangkitan Cina sebagai kekuatan baru sejak kepemimpinan Deng Xiaoping. Semakin meningkatnya kekuatan Cina, menimbulkan keresahan tidak hanya bagi negara-negara yang berada di kawasan Asia, tetapi juga negara-negara Barat lainnya, seperti Amerika Serikat. Meningkatkan kekuatan Cina ternyata berpotensi mengganggu stabilitas kawasan. Salah satu negara yang mengalami keresahan dengan terganggunya stabilitas kawasan karena meningkatnya kekuatan Cina adalah India. Untuk menjaga supaya India tidak terdampak dengan adanya instabilitas kawasan, India mengedepankan perbaikan hubungan dengan negara-negara tetangganya serta mengidentifikasi mitra-mitra potensial non-tradisional dengan mengeluarkan Melalui Act East Policy. Act East Policy, India berupaya untuk meningkatkan hubungan dengan salah satu mitra dagang potensialnya, yakni Korea Selatan. Penelitian ini kemudian ditujukan untuk menganalisis faktor yang menyebabkan India memilih Korea Selatan sebagai sasaran Act East Policy pada tahun 2014 hingga 2019. Penelitian ini akan dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode eksplanatif kualitatif dan menggunakan landasan berpikir determinan kebijakan luar negeri dan strategic environment. Berdasarkan analisis penulis, faktor yang mendasari India memilih Korea Selatan dapat dibagi menjadi faktor internal, yakni pergantian pemimpin di India dan kondisi perekonomian India, dan faktor eksternal, yakni hubungan bilateral antara kedua negara. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/227 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.142-164.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 142-164 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/227/29 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/228 2022-05-15T20:40:07Z fetrian:ART

Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia dalam Perumusan ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific Khoirunissa, Luna Aryani, Maria Indira AOIP Cooperative Maritime Diplomacy Indonesia ASEAN AOIP Diplomasi Maritim Kooperatif Indonesia ASEAN ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) is an Indo-Pacific cooperation framework established by ASEAN on June 2019. Indonesia was one of the founding fathers of ASEAN—known for its contributions as a inisiator of many cooperations and collaborations in the region—is also known for its great contributions in constructing the AOIP framework. Therefore, this paper aims at explaining about Indonesia’s maritime diplomacy took part in formulating the AOIP through the ASEAN internal forums and the ASEAN mechanisms. This paper uses maritime diplomacy concept as its main analytical tools, consisting of three main diplomatic activities, which are cooperative maritime diplomacy, persuasive maritime diplomacy and coercive maritime diplomacy. This paper also uses qualitative methods with descriptive approach, and primary data derived from an interview with a diplomat of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and secondary datas were collected from various literatures and news. This article concludes that Indonesia’s diplomacy effort in support of AOIP is done under the cooperative maritime diplomacy framework by emphasizing the urgency to build an ASEAN-based Indo-Pacific cooperation concept amidst the emerging Indo-Pacific frameworks and visions pointed out by the great powers in the Indo-Pacific regions. This paper is conducted from 2014, where President Jokowi announce the maritime fulcrum foreign policy, to 2019 where the AOIP was established. ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) merupakan konsep kerja sama di kawasan Indo-Pasifik yang dicanangkan oleh ASEAN yang diresmikan pada Juni 2019, di tengah maraknya berbagai pandangan tentang kerja sama di Indo-Pasifik. Indonesia yang merupakan salah satu pendiri ASEAN seringkali dikenal sebagai pelopor maupun inisiator berbagai kerja sama di kawasan. Indonesia juga merupakan penggagas utama adanya konsep AOIP. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan tentang bagaimana upaya diplomasi maritim Indonesia dalam perumusan AOIP, baik melalui forum internal ASEAN serta forum mekanisme ASEAN. Upaya yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia akan dianalisis menggunakan konsep diplomasi maritime yang meliputi tiga aktivitas pokok, yakni diplomasi maritim kooperatif, diplomasi maritim persuasif dan diplomasi maritime koersif. Tulisan ini juga dianalisis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif, dengan data primer yang berasal dari wawancara dengan Diplomat Kementerian Luar Negeri dan data sekunder berasal dari berbagai literatur dan berita yang berkaitan dengan topik. Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa diplomasi maritim Indonesia dalam perumusan AOIP dilakukan dengan di bawah kerangka diplomasi maritim koorperatif dengan menekankan pentingnya sebuah pandangan untuk menguatkan kerja sama di kawasan Indo-Pasifik di berbagai forum di ASEAN. Tulisan ini dibatasi dari tahun 2014, saat Presiden Jokowi pertama mengemukakan kebijakan luar negeri poros maritim, hingga tahun 2019 saat diresmikannya AOIP. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-16 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/228 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.44-70.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 44-70 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/228/43 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/231 2021-07-12T08:09:55Z fetrian:ART

The Role of Syrian Refugees on Turkey Dynamics Economic Development in 2014-2020 with a Spill-Over Effects Approach. Peranan Refugees Suriah Terhadap Dinamika Perkembangan Perekonomian Turki Tahun 2014-2020 Dengan Spill-Over Effects. Ramansyah, Muhammad Ilham Putri Hanie, Sheilla Ramadhina Falah, Muhammad Ghaits Sejak perang Suriah pecah pada bulan Maret tahun 2011, banyak pemuda Suriah memprotes untuk menggulingkan pemerintahan yang dipimpin oleh Bashar Al-Assad, menyebabkan konflik yang masih berlanjut hingga saat ini. Perang Suriah yang terus berlanjut dan mempengaruhi jutaan warga Suriah membuat para penduduk lokal keluar dari negara mereka sendiri, lalu pergi ke negara sekitar untuk mencari tempat yang lebih aman. Turki, salah satu negara tetangga Suriah, menjadi negara penerima pengungsi dari Suriah terbanyak di dunia. Oleh karena itu, pada jurnal ini penulis akan menjelaskan dampak ekonomi terhadap adanya pengungsi Suriah yang datang dan menetap di Turki, dan penulis menggunakan pendekatan kontruktivisme sebagai cara untuk menjelaskan alasan-alasan yang mendasari pemerintahan Turki untuk menerima pengungsi dari Suriah.   Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-24 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/231 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.81-110.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 81-110 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/231/27 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/232 2021-07-12T08:09:57Z fetrian:ART

Pengaruh Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN Terhadap Kondisi dan Mobilitas Tenaga Kerja ASEAN Tahun 2015 Allayna, Adelia Maretha Hidayatullah, M Irfan ASEAN, Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN, Tenaga Kerja, Mobilitas, Kondisi Konsep kerja sama kawasan atau regionalisme mulai meluas berbagai dunia. Salah satu kawasan yang berhasil membentuk regionalisme adalah Asia Tenggara yang dinamai ASEAN. Sejak awal berdirinya, ASEAN lebih diarahkan untuk meningkatkan kerja sama yang berfokus pada bidang politik untuk mencapai keamanan dan perdamaian di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Terbentuknya ASEAN ini tentu saja memberikan dampak bagi setiap negara sebagai akibat dari peraturan, visi misi dan kerja sama didalamnya yang telah dirumuskan bersama dalam kesepakata atas nama ASEAN. Untuk merespon munculnya sejumlah tantangan kerja sama regional, maka dirumuskanlah “ASEAN Vision 2020” yang disahkan di kuala lumpur, malaysia. Salah satu bentuk implementasi ASEAN Vision adalah MEA (Masyarakat Ekonomi Asean) yang memiliki 5 pilar utama, salah dari pilar tersebut adalah masalah ketenagakerjaan. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menegtahui aliran, kondisi, dan mobilitas tenaga kerja di wilayah AsiaTenggara serta peluang dan tantangan ASEAN. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif. Rendahnya skill dan tingkat pendidikan tenaga kerja menghambat visi misi Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN dalam bidang ketenagakerjaan. Dengan terbentuknya MEA kedepannya tentu akan memberikan peluang serta tantangan yang harus dihadapi oleh pemerintah dan para tenaga kerja untuk lebih meningkatkan dan mengasah skill serta kompetensi diri sehingga mampu untuk bersaing dan menghadapi arus MEA di kedepan harinya nanti. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/232 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.31-60.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 31-61 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/232/25 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/233 2021-07-12T08:09:59Z fetrian:ART

Barriers to ASEAN Power Grid Energy Cooperation from a Political Realism Perspective Hambatan Kerja Sama Energi APG dari Perspektif Realisme Politik Musri, Muhammad Naufal Anggraeni, Silvia Dian Energy Cooperation Southeast Asia Region ASEAN Power Grid Kerja sama Energi Kawasan Asia Tenggara ASEAN Power Grid The current development of the world economy has driven the Southeast Asia region as one of the regions with the fastest economic growth. This is supported by a large population and high total economic value. These characteristics make countries in the Southeast Asia region have a great deal in the economic sector and thus impacted on massive energy use. To be able to meet these energy needs, the integrated ASEAN Power Grid energy cooperation networks is one of the steps taken by the ASEAN. Initiated in 1997 under the framework of ASEAN Vision 2020, the regional cooperation has not yet reached its expected outcomes. Through the approach of political realism based on status quo behavior which considers energy as a strategic commodity, this research analyses the impediments of the development of electrical energy infrastructure cooperation. The research focuses on the qualitative methods used in examining the political behavior of ASEAN states through secondary data collection and textual analysis. The result shows that the cycle of political realism has hindered the progress of the APG development in each of its member countries. Perkembangan ekonomi dunia saat ini telah mendorong kawasan Asia Tenggara sebagai salah satu kawasan dengan pertumbuhan ekonomi tercepat. Hal ini didukung oleh jumlah penduduk yang besar dan nilai ekonomi total yang tinggi. Karakteristik tersebut membuat negara-negara di kawasan Asia Tenggara memiliki pengaruh besar di bidang ekonomi sehingga berdampak pada penggunaan energi yang masif. Untuk dapat memenuhi kebutuhan energi tersebut, jaringan kerja sama energi ASEAN Power Grid yang terintegrasi menjadi salah satu langkah yang diambil oleh ASEAN. Dirintis pada tahun 1997 dalam kerangka Visi ASEAN 2020, hingga saat ini kerja sama kawasan ini belum mencapai hasil yang diharapkan. Melalui pendekatan realisme politik berbasis perilaku status quo yang menganggap energi sebagai komoditas strategis, penelitian ini menganalisis hambatan pengembangan kerjasama infrastruktur energi listrik. Penelitian ini berfokus pada metode kualitatif yang digunakan dalam mengkaji perilaku politik negara-negara ASEAN melalui pengumpulan data sekunder dan analisis tekstual. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa siklus realisme politik telah menghambat kemajuan perkembangan APG di masing-masing negara anggotanya. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-02-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/233 10.25077/fetrian.2.2.1-30.2020 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020); 1-30 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/233/23 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/237 2022-03-06T03:16:21Z fetrian:ART

Upaya Negara Dalam Mencapai Keamanan Energi. Studi Kasus: Transformasi Kebijakan Energi Korea Selatan Putri, Ardila Energy Security Energy Transition Energy Policy South Korea Energy Importir Policy The export-based development policy launched by South Korea after the end of the Korean war caused the country to rely heavily on energy sources for their development goals. This ultimately encourages South Korea to continue transforming its energy policy in accordance with the situation and conditions experienced by the country. This paper analyzes South Korea's energy transition since its establishment to the present day using the multi-level perspective. The transition process was analyzed from the relationship between the existing regime and innovation opportunities in the wider environment. Data was collected through official South Korean government documents, websites, also supported by journals and news articles. This study concludes that the government remains the dominant actor at the meso level in any energy policy transition. As for the micro level, there are differences in innovation opportunities according to the conditions in that era. In addition, energy transitions are also caused by different situation in each period at the macro level. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-03-06 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/237 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.1-28.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 1-28 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/237/41 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/238 2022-02-03T04:18:52Z fetrian:ART

Rising of Chinese Blue Water Navy and American Hegemony In Asia Pacific Zulhatta, Agung Imam Blue Water Navy Maritime Power Maritime Security Asia Pacific Blue Water Navy Kekuatan Maritim Keamanan Maritim Asia Pasifik Currently, China is growing into a new maritime power in the world. This country is listed with the largest number of commercial vessels with over 1,000 gross tons. The port of Shanghai has also transformed into one of the busiest ports globally, rivaling the Port of Amsterdam in terms of total cargo volume. China's shipping industry currently occupies the third position in the world. The maritime industry is increasingly competitive to ensure stable economic performance, but on the other hand, it is still highly dependent on secure access to markets and resources, particularly iron and fossil fuels. Taking into account the condition of the Chinese Navy and the government's Chinese Efforts to become a new maritime power in the world, China is currently trying to establish itself to realize its dream, namely the ability to become a force in blue water navy order to seize the United States' Hegemony in the Asia Pacific Region. Saat ini China tengah tumbuh menjadi kekuatan maritim baru di dunia. Sekarang negeri ini tercatat sebagai negara pemilik terbanyak untuk kapal niaga dengan tonase di atas 1.000 gross ton. Pelabuhan Shanghai juga telah menjelma menjadi salah satu pelabuhan tersibuk di dunia menyaingi Pelabuhan Amsterdam dari sisi volume kargo secara total. Industri perkapalan China saat ini menempati posisi ketiga di dunia. Industri maritim semakin kompetitif untuk menjamin kinerja ekonomi yang stabil, namun pada sisi lain masih sangat tergantung pada akses yang aman terhadap pasar dan sumber daya, khususnya besi dan bahan bakar fosil. Memperhatikan kondisi Angkatan Laut China serta upaya pemerintha China dalam upaya menjadi kekuatan maritime baru di dunia, saat ini China sedang berusaha memantaskan diri untuk mewujudkan impian mereka yaitu  kemampuan  untuk   menjadi kekuatan  blue  water navy  guna merebut Hegemoni Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Asia pasifik. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-02-03 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/238 10.25077/fetrian.3.1.104-133.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021); 104-133 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/238/39 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/239 2021-11-27T05:02:13Z fetrian:ART

The Role of NGO in Overcoming the Environmental and Food Crisis in Indonesia During the COVID-19 Pandemic ., Tresea ., Sulistiarani Tamara, Kinanti ., Azhar Covid-19, WALHI, environmental, food crisis Covid-19 is a new threat that has had a very influential in recent times. The world health organization, namely the WTO, has conveyed the urgency regarding the global pandemic which is a threat to world safety and health. The high number of Covid-19 cases has an impact on human security problems including health, hunger, death, large-scale economic decline, and increasing poverty rates. This human security problem occurs in all countries around the world, including in Indonesia. Food scarcity has led to an increase in food prices, plus limited work activities have made this pandemic an extraordinary issue. Walhi, which is a local non-governmental organization, is present in the midst of the deteriorating quality of life of the Indonesian people to carry out its role. Walhi itself is an NGO which often makes notes on ecological disasters that often occur in Indonesia, including food crises and other crises caused by environmental problems. Walhi is also working with FAO in dealing with impacts humanitarian pandemic Covid-19. This group of organizations is trying to assist in overcoming this crisis. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-11-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/239 10.25077/fetrian.3.1.82-103.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021); 82-103 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/239/37 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/240 2021-11-22T03:09:07Z fetrian:ART

Effectiveness of Waste Management in the United States of America Kerenhapukh, Yuestika Fadhila, Ananda Puteri, Henna Notrian Fadilah, Putri Halim, Abdul Green Theory; Environmental Protection Agency; Waste Management; United States Waste is a significant concern at this time. No matter what country, waste will always exist in people's daily lives, including the United States. To deal with all types of waste, the United States has implemented policies and regulations called the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and 3R.This study aims to see how the policies launched by the United States, namely the Environmental Protection Agency and 3R, in dealing with environmental problems, where one of the causes is that it comes from various types of waste, both from the household sector and large companies.  In writing this journal, the author uses a descriptive-qualitative research method based on green theory.  The environmental crisis has penetrated almost all parts of the world since the 60s, starting from an individual protest until finally, this environmental problem has become an international concern; green theory is present as a form of concern for the environment because the environment is the world's primary asset, so by saving the environment indirectly also save the inhabitants of the earth.  Each country is competing in finding ways to overcome these problems. One of which is the United States.  The environmental protection agency and 3R are some of the steps taken by the United States in dealing with environmental problems in the hope that the policies taken can save them from environmental problems not only in the present but also in the future, where several factors cause these problems. In this program, the United States implements several activities. The most important is providing education about the dangers of waste and recycling waste in the environment. This is done in response to the environmental crisis, which is the leading cause of damage and life crises, including disease. In this paper, the authors also see how effective Environmental Protection Agency policies are and describe several types of waste that damage the environment. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-11-20 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/240 10.25077/fetrian.3.1.33-55.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021); 33-55 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/240/34 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/243 2021-11-22T03:07:44Z fetrian:ART

EFEKTIVITAS PEMBENTUKAN ASEAN INSTITUTE FOR PEACE AND RECONCILIATION DALAM MENANGANI KONFLIK DI KAWASAN ASIA TENGGARA Nau, Novriest Umbu Walangara Sahertian, Jet ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation, Regime Effectiveness, Conflict Various conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asian region made ASEAN respond quickly. This is realized through the establishment of the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation which carries out several functions including research, capacity building, development in expertise, networking, gathering experiences and ASEAN best practices on peace, conflict management and conflict resolution, and post-conflict peace building. However, until now there are still various conflicts that occur. Therefore, this study aims to present the results of an analysis of organizational reporting. To gain a more comprehensive understanding, the researcher uses the theory of Regime Effectiveness and the concept of international regimes. In addition, this study uses a qualitative method with a qualitative descriptive type. This study finds that the organization is not effective in dealing with conflicts in Southeast Asia because the organization is not empowered in conflict resolution efforts, in addition to the application of the ASEAN Way principle and the lack of support from member countries. Berbagai konflik yang terjadi di kawasan Asia Tenggara membuat ASEAN merespon dengan cepat. Hal ini diwujudkan melalui pembentukan ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation yang menjalankan beberapa fungsi antara lain penelitian, peningkatan kapasitas, pengembangan dalam pool of keahlian, jaringan, pengumpulan pengalaman dan praktik terbaik ASEAN tentang perdamaian, manajemen konflik dan resolusi konflik, dan pembangunan perdamaian pasca-konflik. Namun, hingga saat ini masih terdapat berbagai konflik yang terjadi. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyajikan hasil analisis mengenai pelaporan organisasi. Untuk memperoleh pemahaman yang lebih komprehensif, peneliti menggunakan teori Efektivitas Rezim dan konsep rezim internasional. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan tipe deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil yang diperoleh dalam penelitian ini adalah organisasi tersebut tidak efektif dalam mengatasi konflik di Asia Tenggara karena organisasi tersebut tidak digunakan untuk menyelesaikan berbagai konflik, adanya prinsip ASEAN Way dan kurangnya dukungan dan akomodasi dimana Indonesia memiliki lebih peran dominan dibandingkan negara lain dalam menyelenggarakan berbagai simposium dan menyajikan dana operasional. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-11-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/243 10.25077/fetrian.3.1.1-33.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021); 1-32 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/243/33 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/244 2022-02-18T04:01:19Z fetrian:ART

Analisis Peran dan Hambatan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD) Terhadap Persetujuan Kerjasama Luar Negeri (Paradiplomasi) di Sumatera Utara Prasetya, Muhammad Novan Paradiplomacy, Regional Government, DPRD Province of North Sumatra. Paradiplomacy is a term for the science of international relations which refers to foreign cooperation carried out by local governments in order to develop their regions independently, not only waiting for instructions from the central government, but still in accordance with applicable regulations, paradiplomacy within the national legal framework is stated in the Constitution Number 37 of 1999 concerning Foreign Relations which was later amended by Constitution Number 23 of 2014, and Constitution Number 24 of 2000 concerning International Treaties. Paradiplomacy is a relatively new concept but has been familiarly used or implemented by various local governments in Indonesia, so far paradiplomacy has been very successful in Indonesia as evidenced by the many international collaborations carried out by various regions, North Sumatra Province itself is no stranger to the concept of paradiplomacy seen from various foreign collaborations that have been carried out by the Medan City Government as the regional capital in the form of Sister Province/Sister City (Sister City, the role of the Provincial DPRD of North Sumatra (Sumut) as a legislative body that authorizes the approval of whether the cooperation can be carried out and reaps benefits by both parties or even harm. Paradiplomasi adalah istilah ilmu hubungan internasional yang mengacu pada kerja sama asing yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah dalam rangka mengembangkan daerah mereka secara mandiri, tidak hanya menunggu instruksi dari pemerintah pusat, tetapi masih sesuai dengan peraturan yang berlaku, paradiplomasi dalam kerangka hukum nasional tercantum dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 1999 tentang Hubungan Luar Negeri yang kemudian diamandemen dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014, dan Undang-Undang Nomor 24 Tahun 2000 tentang Perjanjian Internasional. Paradiplomasi adalah konsep yang masih relatif baru tetapi telah akrab digunakan atau diimplementasikan oleh berbagai pemerintah daerah di Indonesia, sejauh ini paradiplomasi telah sangat sukses di Indonesia sebagaimana dibuktikan oleh banyaknya kolaborasi internasional yang dilakukan oleh berbagai daerah, Provinsi Sumatera Utara sendiri tidak asing dengan konsep paradiplomasi dilihat dari berbagai kerja sama luar negeri yang telah dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Kota Medan sebagai ibukota daerah dalam bentuk Sister Province/Sister City (Sister City peran dari DPRD provinsi Sumatera Utara (Sumut) sebagai badan legislatif yang memberi kewenangan persetujuan apakah kerjasama tersebut dapat di jalankan dan menuai keuntungan oleh kedua pihak atau bahkan malah merugikan. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2021-11-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/244 10.25077/fetrian.3.1.56-81.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021); 56-81 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/244/35 Copyright (c) 2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/246 2022-05-15T20:45:22Z fetrian:ART

Korean Wave: Strategies of Industry Players in Korea in Facing Challenges Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic Korean Wave: Strategi Pelaku Industri di Korea dalam Menghadapi Tantangan di Tengah Pandemi Covid-19 Rafif, Ahnaf Hananda Naufal Yuanita, Rahel Permatasari, Tiara Covid-19 Culture Globalization Korean Wave Covid-19 Budaya Globalisasi Korean Wave K-pop industry players remain active in making new innovations in the face of new and unexpected problems. Like globalization which involves almost everyone in the world who is influenced or influenced in today's global relations. The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted the entire world without exception, all aspects are affected by Covid-19. Various activities must be carried out virtually, including k-pop music concerts which are usually synonymous with fan cheering activities, but must also be turned into virtual concerts which result in limitations in our activities or in feeling the sensation of enjoying concerts. What is the strategy of the actors driving the Korean wave in facing challenges during the Covid-19 pandemic? By using the library research method, we found that during the pandemic, industry players who play a role in the Korean Wave phenomenon, have their own way of maintaining the existence of the Korean Wave during the pandemic, namely by making new innovations such as holding virtual K-Pop concerts, marketing products with e-commerce, and utilizing the Korean entertainment industry in introducing Korean specialties K-pop industry players remain active in making new innovations in the face of new and unexpected problems. Like globalization which involves almost everyone in the world who is influenced or influenced in today's global relations. The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted the entire world without exception, all aspects are affected by Covid-19. Various activities must be carried out virtually, including k-pop music concerts which are usually synonymous with fan cheering activities, but must also be turned into virtual concerts which result in limitations in our activities or in feeling the sensation of enjoying concerts. What is the strategy of the actors driving the Korean wave in facing challenges during the Covid-19 pandemic? By using the library research method, we found that during the pandemic, industry players who play a role in the Korean Wave phenomenon, have their own way of maintaining the existence of the Korean Wave during the pandemic, namely by making new innovations such as holding virtual K-Pop concerts, marketing products with e-commerce, and utilizing the Korean entertainment industry in introducing Korean specialties Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-16 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/246 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.103-133.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 103-133 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/246/45 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/247 2022-03-06T03:51:48Z fetrian:ART

The Increasing of South Korean Investment in Vietnam Cory, Silvi South Korea, Vietnam, investment, FDI, international trade South Korea as one of the countries that has actively invested in various countries. In recent years South Korean investment has shown a very significant increase in Vietnam. When compared to other countries, especially in the Asian region, Vietnam is not a country that rich in natural resources as many know that country that has many natural resources will get special key in investment. However, South Korea has different movement that its significant effort to build its investment in Vietnam. This paper aims to explains the factors that make South Korea significantly increase its investment in Vietnam. This research is a qualitative research using descriptive analysis method. This study finds that the stability of domestic political, social, cultural conditions, economic growth, human resources, stability in labor wages and  various number of Vietnam's FTA cooperation with various countries have become factors that attract South Korea to invest in Vietnam. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-03-06 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/247 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.29-43.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 29-43 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/247/42 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/248 2022-05-15T20:40:56Z fetrian:ART

Dilema Aliansi Keamanan Korea Selatan-Amerika Serikat: Studi kasus penempatan THAAD di Korea Selatan Elvira, Nadya United States, South Korea, THAAD, Three No's Policy, China The research conducted as following below purposed to provide the explaination behind South Korea's rational decision in conducting the Three No's Policy agreement with Tiongkok as an effort to achieve normalization of relations between the two countries after the boycott of the entry of South Korean products into China because of China's rejection of the cooperation of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) between South Korea and the United States. This research is analyzed using a conceptual framework called Rational Actor Model. Based on Graham T. Allison, Rational Actor Model is divided into four main indicators that is being considered during taking a decision, which are Goals and Objectives, Alternatives, Consequences, and Choice. This research analyze South Korea's rational reasons for approving the policy through a literature study using the four elements described by Allison above. According to the Rational Actor Model itself, this research found that the economic factor is the main reason why South Korea finally decided to take the Three No's Policy agreement moreover considering the entire boycott towards South Korea's products that is being done by Tiongkok beforehand. This research found that South Korea's reason for agreeing to Three No’s Policy regarding the issue of a boycott by China against South Korea was due to economic factors. Although also confronted with alternatives regarding security policies, maintaining relations with China is more rational for South Korea because of the large economic interests of South Korea towards China. That is because China is the main trading partner and the biggest market for South Korea. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-16 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/248 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.71-102.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 71-102 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/248/44 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/250 2022-05-28T23:38:33Z fetrian:ART

Impact of the G20 Presidency on the Indonesian Economy Post-Covid-19 Dampak Presidensi G20 terhadap Perekonomian Indonesia Pasca Covid-19 Nurhidayah, Putri Rifa Trinita, Brigitta Andrea Malumma Tobing, Grace Kristin G20, ketahanan ekonomi Keamanan This research aims to determine the economic growth after the entry and the Presidency of Indonesia in the G20. This study uses a qualitative type of research where we take sources from several journals, articles, and books related to the discussion. The theory that we use in this research is the theory of liberalism. Against the backdrop of the hustle and bustle of the Indonesian Presidency at this year's G20 and the efforts of G20 member countries in repairing and restoring the economy that had been knocked down due to the COVID pandemic that has attacked Hamoir 2 this year. Indonesia, which is also known as a bridge builder in the Asian region, makes Indonesia truly a role model and a bridge for recovery and new changes in the world economy of countries in both the Asian region and developing countries that are members of the G20.In this year's presidency, there are many new ideas launched by each country in developing and restoring its economy. Through the theme "Recover stronger, recover together" Indonesia and the G20 member countries are trying to increase the productivity of each country by paying more attention to the workforce, households and long-term growth in order to fend off the prolonged impact of the crisis. Along with the sophistication of the digital era, the group of 20 has also begun to digitize each payment and reduce the use of cash, in addition to reducing the impact of the spread of COVID-19, it is hoped that digitizing these payments can make it easier for the international community to carry out economic activities. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pertumbuhan ekonomi pasca masuknya dan Presidensi Indonesia dalam G20. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian jenis kualitatif dimana kami mengambil sumber sumber dari beberapa jurnal, artikel, dan buku yang terkait dengan pembahasan. Teori yang kami gunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori liberalisme. Dilatar belakangi hiruk pikuknya Presidensi Indonesia pada G20 tahun ini dan upaya upaya dari negara anggota G20 dalam memperbaiki dan memulihkan kembali ekonomi yang tumbang akibat pandemi COVID yang menyerang hamoir 2 tahun ini. Indonesia yang juga dikenal sebagai bridge builder di kawasan Asia menjadikan Indonesia benar benar seperti panutan dan jembatan bagi pemulihan dan perubahan baru dalam dunia ekonomi negara negara baik kawasan Asia maupun negara berkembang anggota G20.Pada presidensi tahun ini, ada banyak ide baru yang dicanangkan tiap negara dalam mengembangkan dan memulihkan kembali ekonominya. Lewat tema "Recover stronger, recover together" Indonesia bersama negara anggota G20 berupaya untuk meningkatkan produktivitas tiap negara dengan memberikan perhatian lebih terhadap tenaga kerja, rumah tangga serta pertumbuhan jangka panjang demi menangkis dampak yang berkepanjangan dari krisis yang terjadi. Seiring dengan canggihnya era digital, kelompok 20 juga mulai melakukan digitalisasi dalam tiap tiap pembayaran dan mengurangi penggunaan uang tunai, selain mengurangi dampak tersebarnya COVID-19, diharapkan digitalisasi pembayaran ini dapat memudahkan masyarakat internasional untuk melakukan kegiatan ekonomj Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/250 10.25077/fetrian.3.2.134-153.2021 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021); 134-153 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/250/46 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/251 2022-05-30T04:21:37Z fetrian:ART

Malaysia Sebagai Negara Tujuan Human Trafficking Dari Indonesia Studi Kasus: Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur Bahasa Indonesia Darung, Servasius Prasetya, Muh. Novan Human Trafficking Lingko System East Nusa Tenggara Indonesia Malaysia   Almost every province in Indonesia has cases of Human Trafficking, including the Province of East Nusa Tenggara. In 2017, East Nusa Tenggara Province became the area of ??the highest Human Trafficking case in Indonesia. This is motivated by factors of poverty, lack of employment opportunities, culture, social class differences and globalization. Some of these factors attracted the author's attention to conduct research on Human Trafficking in East Nusa Tenggara and Malaysia as destination countries. In this study, the author uses modernism theory and Marxism theory as critical theory, which is analyzed based on qualitative research methods and uses the Lingko system as a problem solving method in preventing the recruitment process of Human Trafficking in East Nusa Tenggara. The Lingko system is a land division system in Manggarai. However, prevention through the Lingko System also requires an effective role from the government and the people of East Nusa Tenggara in improving the quality of education, serious law enforcement, eliminating social class differences and providing employment opportunities for the people of East Nusa Tenggara. Keywords: Human Trafficking, Lingko System, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia and Malaysia Hampir disetiap provinsi di Indonesia terjadi kasus Human Trafficking, termasuk Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur. Pada tahun 2017 Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur menjadi daerah kasus Human Trafficking tertinggi di Indonesia. Hal ini dilatarbelakangi oleh faktor kemiskinan, minimnya lapangan kerja, budaya, perbedaan kelas sosial dan globalisasi. Beberapa faktor tersebut menarik perhatian penulis untuk melakukan penelitian tentang Human Trafficking di Nusa Tenggara Timur dan Malaysia sebagai negara tujuan. Dalam penelitian ini penulis menggunakan teori modernism dan teori marxisme sebagai teori kritik, yang dianalisis berdasarkan metode penelitian kualitatif dan menggunakan sistem Lingko sebagai pemecahan masalah dalam mencegah proses rekrutmen Human Trafficking di Nusa Tenggara Timur. Sistem Lingko merupakan sistem pembagian tanah di Manggarai. Namun, pencegahan melalui Sistem Lingko juga membutuhkan peran efektif dari pemerintah dan masyarakat Nusa Tenggara Timur dalam meningkatkan kualitas pendidikan, penegakan hukum yang serius, menghapuskan perbedaan kelas sosial dan menyediakan lapangan kerja untuk masyarakat Nusa Tenggara Timur. Kata Kunci : Human Trafficking, Sistem Lingko, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia dan Malaysia Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/251 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.1-23.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 1-23 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/251/47 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/255 2022-10-27T17:02:35Z fetrian:ART

INDONESIA EFFORTS IN ACHIEVE RESOLUTION ON FEMALE PEACEKEEPERS IN THE UNITED NATIONS YEAR 2020 UPAYA INDONESIA DALAM MENCAPAI RESOLUSI FEMALE PEACEKEEPERS DI PBB TAHUN 2020 Bintang, Ilham Susilowati, Retno Yusa, Muchammad Yustian Indonesia Integrative Negotiations United Nations Women Peacekeepers Resolution Indonesia Negosiasi Integratif PBB Penjaga Perdamaian Wanita Resolusi The United Nations (UN) has scheduled the involvement of women in world defense defense missions. However, the fact is that the number of women's participation in world peacekeeping forces is still minimal and continues to decline every year. Departing from this problem, Indonesia initiated the adoption of the Female Peacekeepers Resolution in 2020. This study looks at how Indonesia's efforts to resolve the female peacekeepers resolution through integrative negotiation theory with dimensions of expand pie and dual concern. This study uses qualitative research methods with data collection methods library analysis. The result of this research is an integrative negotiation effort through expansion stages including how Indonesia became a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, an agenda that focuses on increasing the role of women through the submission of peacekeeping resolutions. Then in the dual concern stage, Indonesia submitted a draft resolution, garnered support from other countries to participate in submitting the resolution, informal negotiations and the voting process. So that the draft was approved by all member states of the security council which was later adopted into a new one with number 2538 of 2020. Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) telah mengagendakan keterlibatan perempuan dalam misi pemeliharaan perdamaian dunia. Namun, fakta yang ada adalah masih minimnya jumlah partisipasi perempuan dalam pasukan penjaga perdamaian dunia dan terus menurun setiap tahun. Berangkat dari persoalan tersebut, Indonesia menginisasi diadopsinya Resolusi Female Peacekeepers tahun 2020. Penelitian ini melihat bagaimana upaya Indonesia dalam mencapai resolusi female peacekeepers melalui teori negosiasi integratif dengan dimensi expanding pie dan dual concern. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelian kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data analisis pustaka. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah upaya negosiasi integratif melalui tahapan expanding pie diantaranya bagaimana Indonesia menjadi anggota tidak tetap dewan keamanan PBB, agenda yang dicanangkan yang berfokus pada peningkatan peran perempuan melalui pengajuan resolusi women peacekeepers. Kemudian dalam tahapan dual concern, Indonesia mengajukan rancangan resolusi, menggalang dukungan dari negara lain untuk ikut serta mengajukan resolusi, negosiasi informal dan proses pemungutan suara. Sehingga rancangan resolusi tersebut disetujui oleh seluruh negara anggota dewan keamanan yang kemudian diadopsi menjadi resolusi baru dengan nomor 2538 tahun 2020. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-06-19 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/255 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.144-185.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 144-185 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/255/53 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/256 2022-10-27T17:02:06Z fetrian:ART

INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT'S STRATEGY IN HUMANITARIAN DIPLOMACY TO MYANMAR IN THE ROHINGYA CONFLICT IN 2017 Strategi pemerintah Indonesia dalam Diplomasi Kemanusiaan ke Konflik Rohingya-Mynamar Tahun 2017 Halim, Abdul H, Aninda Nuraygy Suleman, Zulfikri Nasyaya, Annada Diplomacy Humanitarian Indonesia Myanmar Rohingya The Rohingya Muslim ethnicity has long experienced structural violence and direct violence. Structural violence in the form of restrictions on access to needs is felt by the Rohingya Muslims in the economic, political, social, and cultural sectors. Meanwhile, direct violence took the form of ethnic cleansing, which claimed thousands of lives, and hundreds of thousands of people evacuated themselves to other countries. However, the Myanmar government has closed all access to humanitarian aid by closing itself off from the international community. The Indonesian people took several actions that condemned what had happened to the Rohingya Muslim ethnic. Indonesia uses the path of Humanitarian Diplomacy in this conflict. Indonesia is the first and only country that Myanmar has accepted to have a dialogue with its official officials. The researcher discusses the Indonesian government's strategy in humanitarian diplomacy with Myanmar. The researcher found that the foreign policy of Humanitarian Diplomacy carried out by Indonesia was influenced by 4 Bureaucratic Influencers, namely the President of the Republic of Indonesia, the House of Representatives, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. In this study, the author uses descriptive qualitative research methods based on literature research using secondary data related to the issues raised in this paper. Etnis Muslim Rohingya telah lama mengalami kekerasan struktural dan kekerasan langsung. Kekerasan struktural berupa pembatasan akses kebutuhan dirasakan oleh Muslim Rohingya di sektor ekonomi, politik, sosial, dan budaya. Sementara itu, kekerasan langsung berupa pembersihan etnis yang merenggut ribuan nyawa, dan ratusan ribu orang mengungsi ke negara lain. Namun, pemerintah Myanmar telah menutup semua akses bantuan kemanusiaan dengan menutup diri dari komunitas internasional. Masyarakat Indonesia melakukan beberapa tindakan yang mengecam apa yang terjadi pada etnis Muslim Rohingya. Indonesia menggunakan jalur Diplomasi Kemanusiaan dalam konflik ini. Indonesia adalah negara pertama dan satu-satunya yang diterima Myanmar untuk berdialog dengan pejabat resminya. Peneliti membahas strategi pemerintah Indonesia dalam diplomasi kemanusiaan dengan Myanmar. Peneliti menemukan bahwa kebijakan luar negeri Diplomasi Kemanusiaan yang dilakukan Indonesia dipengaruhi oleh 4 Birokrasi Influencer, yaitu Presiden Republik Indonesia, DPR, Menteri Luar Negeri Indonesia, dan Kementerian Luar Negeri. Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif berdasarkan penelitian kepustakaan dengan menggunakan data sekunder yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang diangkat dalam tulisan ini. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-06-19 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/256 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.108-143.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 108-143 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/256/52 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/257 2022-10-27T16:59:05Z fetrian:ART

Peran FFPU Sebagai Norm Entrepreneur Agenda Women, Peace and Security (WPS) dalam RSK di Liberia Imanuella, Johana Hapsari, Renitha Dwi FFPU WPS Agenda Security Sector Reform Norm entrepreneur Peacekeepers are front-line actors who are not only in direct contact with communities in post-conflict setting, but are also involved in the country’s security sector reform. This study is intended to find out how FFPU plays the role as WPS Agenda norm entrepreneur in SSR in Liberia. This study uses descriptive methodology using secondary data sources. The study shows that FFPU acted as a norm entrepreneur of the WPS agenda in SSR in Liberia through the unit’s involvement in Liberian police reform (Liberia National Police, LNP), which can be seen though the unit’s position as a role model for Liberian women, as well as given the responsibility to communicate the transformation of the police, from a corrupt institution to a trustworthy guardian. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-10-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/257 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.24-62.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 24-62 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/257/48 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/258 2022-10-27T17:01:02Z fetrian:ART

Bencana Kabut Asap: Pandangan dan Sikap Non Govermental Organization Suryanti, Made Selly Dwi Haze Disaster, Humanitarianism, Indonesia, NGO This studi aims to expose framing in Social Movement from two Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) in facing haze disater in Indonesia that happens in Sumatera and Kalimantan. Method uses is qualitative descriptive by collecting data from book literatures, news and online news as secondary data. The result shows that each NGO has different thought about smog disaster. Greenpeace tends to view the haze disaster from the ecologys aspect; smog disaster as a product of deforestation that should be handle by Government. Meanwhile, Wahana Lingkungan Hidup (Walhi) tends to view haze disaster will affect to the social community. In the other hand, World Wide Fund (WWF) and Borneo Orangutan Survival tends to view haze disaster from different perspective that is non human species. Although each NGO has different position in order to view haze disaster, those NGO are connected to two activities form, that are campaign and advocacy. For example, campaign, will invite society to join in the protect paradise movement. While in advocacy, Greenpeace, Walhi and WWF urged and supported the Government of Indonesia to find the perpetrators of the forest fires that ended up in the haze disaster. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-05-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/258 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.63-82.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 63-82 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/258/50 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/259 2022-10-27T17:01:29Z fetrian:ART

KERJASAMA INDONESIA-THAILAND DALAM PEMBERANTASAN NARKOBA MENUJU DRUG-FREE ASEAN 2015 Astuti, Wiwiek Rukmi Dwi Tabitha, Sarah Situmeang, Nurmasari Indonesia-Thailand Cooperation, Drugs, ASEAN, Drug Free ASEAN 2015 The drug problem which is a problem from year to year is increasingly complex and makes the drug problem a transnational problem which to eradicate it requires cooperation from various international and national layers. ASEAN as a Southeast Asian organization realizes one of the organization's ideals, namely a Southeast Asian region that is free from drugs through the Drug Free ASEAN 2015’s declaration is committed to strengthening cooperation in overcoming drug abuse with a jointly designed work plan. In its implementation, Indonesia and Thailand hold cooperation with the hope of eradicating drugs in both countries, because as we know that the drug problem cannot be carried out alone. In cooperation, Indonesia and Thailand carried out several activities that were considered effective enough to help overcome this crucial problem. The method of this research is a qualitative using the theory of Regionalism and International Cooperation in its analysis which results in the conclusion that the Cooperation between Indonesia and Thailand is apart from the current massive condition of the drug problem, Cooperation between Indonesia and Thailand is running effectively with the attitude of the two countries being cooperative and various ongoing activities. in accordance with the ideals of both countries. Masalah narkoba yang menjadi masalah dari tahun ke tahun semakin kompleks dan menjadikan masalah narkoba sebagai masalah transnasional yang untuk memberantasnya memerlukan kerjasama dari berbagai lapisan internasional dan nasional. ASEAN sebagai organisasi Asia Tenggara mewujudkan salah satu cita-cita organisasi yaitu kawasan Asia Tenggara yang bebas narkoba melalui Deklarasi ASEAN Bebas Narkoba 2015 berkomitmen untuk memperkuat kerjasama dalam mengatasi penyalahgunaan narkoba dengan rencana kerja yang dirancang bersama. Dalam pelaksanaannya, Indonesia dan Thailand menjalin kerjasama dengan harapan pemberantasan narkoba di kedua negara tersebut, karena seperti kita ketahui bahwa masalah narkoba tidak bisa dilakukan sendiri-sendiri. Dalam kerja sama tersebut, Indonesia dan Thailand melakukan beberapa kegiatan yang dinilai cukup efektif untuk membantu mengatasi masalah krusial tersebut. Metode penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan menggunakan teori Regionalisme dan Kerjasama Internasional dalam analisisnya yang menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa Kerjasama Indonesia-Thailand terlepas dari kondisi permasalahan narkoba yang masif saat ini, Kerjasama Indonesia-Thailand sedang berjalan. efektif dengan sikap kedua negara yang kooperatif dan berbagai kegiatan yang sedang berlangsung. sesuai dengan cita-cita kedua negara. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-06-08 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/259 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.83-107.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 1 (2022); 83-107 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/259/51 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/260 2022-10-26T18:19:04Z fetrian:ART

Foreign Policy Theories: A Review: A Review Rahman Raisa, Nuzhat Tasnim Foreign Policy Leadership Psychology Leadership Trait Analysis Rubicon Model of War Operational Code Analysis Foreign Policy Analysis brings together many interpretations of foreign policy decision-making and one of them is the psychological aspect of decision-makers and leaders in the system. Deciphering a leader’s worldview is not easy as most researchers do not have access to analyze them. Sos, many models have been created to answer such puzzling questions and analyze the behavior of foreign policy leaders. This paper follows three such models: Leadership Trait Analysis, Rubicon Model of War, and Operational Code Analysis to compare which model explains the psychological aspect of foreign policy decision-making most effectively. The paper uses qualitative research methodology with the help of existing literature. The paper recognizes that there are many other models and tries to find similarities and build bridge of relevance with psychological aspects of a leader with their surroundings, pressure from parties, individual traits, etc. This paper lays an observation of how psychological aspect is not an independent variable in decision making, rather it is affected by the surrounding in which it persists.  Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-10-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/260 10.25077/fetrian.4.2.1-24.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 1-24 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/260/55 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/261 2023-06-13T17:07:05Z fetrian:ART

The Sub-Saharan Refugee Crisis: Three Decades of Somali Refugees in Kenya, How did Kenya become the home of half a million Somali refugees? Three Decades of Somali Refugees in Kenya. How did Kenya become the home of half a million Somali refugees? Meharg, Isobel Rose somalia refugee crisis displacement kenya humanitarian sub-saharan The case study seeks to unpack the origins of Somali displacement and the subsequent Kenyan policy responses to the unfolding crisis. The Somali refugee crisis is unique. Somalia has been the site of one of the longest humanitarian crises in the world. There is not simply one reason for so many globally and internally displaced Somalis, but an accumulation of factors.  The research paper shall follow a threefold structure. Firstly, an outline of the context under which these people became refugees to aid understanding of the displacement from Somalia over three decades. Secondly, this paper shall address why Kenya is the predominant destination of those leaving Somalia. This section shall also focus on Kenyan policy in response to the evolving refugee situation. Finally, this paper will focus on the changing policy of Kenya, the attempts to resettle Somali refugees and to close the Dadaab complex. One will pose the question why this policy is not working. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/261 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.1-22.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 1-22 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/261/62 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/262 2022-10-26T18:19:29Z fetrian:ART

Indonesia’s Hard Approach and Soft Approach Counter-Terrorism Strategy Strategi Kontra-Terorisme Hard Approach dan Soft Approach di Indonesia Pradnyana, I Putu Hadi government policy counter-terrorism indonesia hard approach soft approach This research examines the dynamics of counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia from the Old Order (Orde Lama) era to the current period. Terrorist attacks have been a threat to Indonesia's national security since the beginning of the nation's independence. The government is required to counter terrorism through a series of effective policies. This research uses descriptive qualitative method with literature study. The results of the research obtained are that the pattern of countering terrorism in Indonesia is divided into two types of approaches, the hard approach and the soft approach. The hard approach method refers to the use of armed forces against terror organizations. The soft approach method prioritizes integrated and comprehensive actions in dealing with the problem of radicalism starting from the root of the problem. The hard approach was more used in the early era of independence until the New Order. Meanwhile, the soft approach has been massively used since the establishment of the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) in 2010 until now. Indonesia's policies in the counter-terrorism strategy are then divided into three, namely strengthening counter- terrorism regulations, making programs to prevent terrorism crimes, and increasing the capacity of anti-terror organizations. Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang dinamika kebijakan kontra-terorisme di Indonesia dari era Orde Lama hingga periode saat ini. Serangan terorisme kerap menjadi ancaman keamanan nasional Indonesia sejak awal kemerdekaan. Pemerintah dituntut menanggulangi terorisme melalui serangkaian kebijakan yang efektif. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan jenis deskriptif dan studi literatur. Teknik pengumpulan data adalah observasi dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian yang diperoleh adalah pola penanggulangan aksi terorisme di Indonesia terbagi menjadi dua jenis pendekatan, yaitu, hard approach atau pendekatan keras dan soft approach atau pendekatan lunak. Metode hard approach mengarah pada penggunaan aparat bersenjata dalam melawan organisasi teror. Sementara itu, metode soft approach lebih mengedepankan tindakan yang bersifat terintegrasi dan komprehensif dalam menangani masalah radikalisme mulai dari akar permasalahannya. Pendekatan hard approach lebih digunakan pada era awal kemerdekaan hingga Orde Baru. Sedangkan pendekatan soft approach secara masif digunakan sejak pembentukan Badan Nacional Penanggulangan Terrorismo (BNPT) pada tahun 2010 hingga saat ini. Kebijakan Indonesia dalam strategi kontra-terorisme kemudian dibagi menjadi tiga, yaitu memperkuat regulasi kontra-terorisme, membuat program pencegahan tindak pidana terorisme, dan meningkatkan kapasitas organisasi anti-teror. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2022-10-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/262 10.25077/fetrian.4.2.25-58.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 25-58 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/262/56 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/263 2023-02-09T16:22:14Z fetrian:ART

Upaya Diplomasi Publik Korea Selatan Dalam Menyebarkan Hallyu Di Amerika Serikat Pada Pemerintahan Moon Jae In Fayza, Niju Sinulingga, Anita Afriani Permata, Inda Mustika Hallyu; Image; Korean Wave; K-pop; United States Relations between the United States and South Korea during the Moon Jae In Administration experienced ups and downs that impacted South Korea's security problems. In addition, the United States's public sentiment towards South Korea still shows a high number compared to other countries. However, the spread of hallyu turned out to be successful with the decline in United States public sentiment towards South Korea and hallyu from 35.6% in 2017 to 16.5% in 2020. This study aims to analyze South Korea public diplomacy efforts in spreading hallyu to the United States in order to improve their relations and the image of South Korea as an attractive country as stated in Public Diplomacy Act 2017-2021. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive analytical approach and utilizes data from secondary sources. This study uses Fitzpatrick's concept of public diplomacy which divides public diplomacy activities into six indicators. Based on Fitzpatrick's concept of public diplomacy, this study finds that there are five activities, advocacy of South Korean policies and culture through digital, communication of the South Korean government elite, building long-term relationships with various actors, promoting arts and culture by holding hallyu festivals, movie nights, and exhibitions, as well as providing political assistance to the United States. Interestingly, this research found that the South Korean government often included hallyu stars in most of its activities which accelerating the spread of hallyu in the United States. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-02-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/263 10.25077/fetrian.4.1.24-62.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 59-97 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/263/57 Copyright (c) 2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/266 2023-04-10T20:57:34Z fetrian:ART

AL JAZEERA FRAMING ON ARAB SPRING ISSUES IN MIDDLE EAST REGION English Minardi, Anton Auzan, Hatfan Mohammad Arab Spring, Authoritarian, Al Jazeera, Framing, Agenda Setting International Relations is a branch of political science is a study of the problems of foreign and global issues at among States in the International system, including the roles of the State, organizations exist between government and non-government organizations and companies on a multinational. One issue that has become a global phenomenal in international relations is the Arab Spring. Arab Spring, known as the Arab Spring is the wave of demonstrations and protests revolution is happening in the Arab world. Since December 18, 2010, to oppose the authoritarian regimes in the MENA region, namely Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Yemen that lasted from 2010 until early 2012. Methods to strengthen information obtained in support of this study is a qualitative descriptive way that is composed of several literature and informants indirectly so as to form a framework of analysis with factual evidence. Data were collected entirely by literature on framing analysis and reporting Arab Spring and is obtained in Arab online media sites www.aljazeera.com. One issue that is influenced by the Findings of Media Framing is the "Arab Spring" which is where the media's role is important in changing the situation in the middle east region. Al Jazeera is one of the media play an active role in the problems that exist in the MENA region (Middle East and North Africa). Al Jazeera is one of the international media based in Doha, Qatar. The center is also focused to know the Role of Media Framing contained in the news becomes one of the strategic studies prepared by the events of a conflict and issues in the sphere of international relations in which Media Framing also merupkan the effect of the case of the analysis of authors. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-04-11 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/266 10.25077/fetrian.4.2.98-125.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 98-125 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/266/58 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/270 2023-05-12T02:48:19Z fetrian:ART

The Effect of China on ASEAN: The BRI Projects in Myanmar Demir, Ali ASEAN China's Belt and Road Initiative Projects This article focuses on China's gaining favourable approaches in ASEAN as a result of its investment in BRI projects within ASEAN countries. The study tries to explain both how China-Myanmar bilateral relations have developed and how Myanmar's position in ASEAN can be a possible "ally" of China by addressing China's BRI projects in Myanmar. The article focused on some of China's unfinished BRI projects, especially in Myanmar, and touched upon China's geostrategic goals through Myanmar. ASEAN's economic dependence on China and the need to maintain China's economic and political dominance in the Southeast Asian region make BRI projects both an economic lifeline and an endless interdependence for both parties. The US-China tension in the region and China's growing military capacity lead ASEAN countries to follow the "hedging strategy". However, due to countries such as Myanmar and Cambodia that have close economic and political relations with China, it remains unclear what position ASEAN will take in the future.  Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-05-12 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/270 10.25077/fetrian.4.2.126-147.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 126-147 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/270/59 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/274 2023-06-13T17:37:28Z fetrian:ART

Respon China Terhadap Kebijakan Penempatan Sistem Terminal High Altitude Area Defence Korea Selatan Aryabima, Muhamad Pratama, Muhammad Aryabima Patra, Son Adillah China; Respon; THAAD; Korea Selatan. South Korea is working with the United States to develop a Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) defense system to defend the country from possible attacks by North Korea. However, China objected to this because it was considered a threat to the country's security. Researchers are trying to find out what the response given by China is in accordance with the objections they raised. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with secondary data sources. The result was that China implemented a boycott policy and various prohibitions on products and tourism which had an impact on the South Korean economy. As a way out, South Korea issued a public statement known as the “three no’s” to normalize relations with China. Korea Selatan bekerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat untuk mengembangkan sistem pertahanan Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) untuk mempertahankan negara dari kemungkinan serangan Korea Utara. Namun, China keberatan dengan hal tersebut karena dianggap mengancam keamanan negaranya. Peneliti mencoba mencari tahu apakah respon yang diberikan oleh China sesuai dengan keberatan yang mereka ajukan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan sumber data sekunder. Hasilnya China menerapkan kebijakan boikot dan berbagai larangan terhadap produk dan pariwisata yang berdampak pada perekonomian Korea Selatan. Sebagai jalan keluar, Korea Selatan mengeluarkan pernyataan publik yang dikenal sebagai “tiga tidak” untuk menormalkan hubungan dengan China. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/274 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.76-105.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 76-105 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/274/65 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/279 2023-07-09T03:13:07Z fetrian:ART

Implementasi CITES Oleh Indonesia Dalam Perdagangan Hiu Martil dan Hiu Sutra Maynelfa, Carina Sinulingga, Anita Afriani Cory, Silvi implementation, regime CITES, trade, sharks Analyzing the obstacles faced by Indonesia when implementing Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna(CITES) rules regarding the protection of sharks that are listed in Appendix II. Hammerhead sharks and silk sharks are the types of sharks that were listed in Appendix II in 2013 and 2016. Indonesia has ratified CITES from 1978 until now it is still implementing CITES rules. Various regulations have been made by the government to show its seriousness in dealing with the problem of catching sharks for trade. There has been an increase in shark catches and trade despite various efforts. The obstacles experienced by Indonesia were analyzed using the concept of Abram Charles and Chayes, namely regime compliance which has three indicators, namely ambiguity, lack of capacity, and temporal dimension. This study uses a descriptive methodology with a qualitative approach. The researcher found that Indonesia experienced obstacles in implementing the CITES regime for the protection of sharks, especially hammerheads and silks because of the national rules derived from the ratified CITES convention causing doubts or ambiguity in domestic regulations and Indonesia's limited capacity at the level of education and technology for coastal communities as well and also fishermen's dependence on haul from sharks. Several conditions experienced by Indonesia are obstacles in implementing CITES rules, especially the protection of hammerhead sharks and silk sharks. Analisis mengenai berbagai hambatan yang dialami oleh Indonesia pada saat mengimplementasikan aturan Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES) mengenai perlindungan hiu yang masuk ke daftar Apendiks II. Hiu martil dan hiu sutra merupakan jenis hiu yang masuk ke daftar Apendiks II pada tahun 2013 dan 2016. Indonesia telah meratifikasi CITES dari tahun 1978 hingga kini masih menjalankan aturan CITES. Berbagai regulasi telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk menunjukkan keseriusan dalam menangani permasalahan tangkapan hiu untuk diperdagangkan. Terjadi peningkatan tangkapan dam perdagangan hiu meskipun sudah melakukan berbagai upaya. Hambatan yang dialami oleh Indonesia diteliti menggunakan konsep dari Abram Charles dan Chayes yaitu kepatuhan rezim yang memiliki tiga indikator yaitu ambiguity, lack of capacity, dan temporal dimension. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Peneliti menemukan bahwa Indonesia mengalami hambatan dalam mengimplementasikan rezim CITES terhadap perlindungan hiu terkhusus martil dan sutra karena adanya aturan nasional turunan dari konvensi CITES yang diratifikasi menimbulkan keraguan atau ketidakjelasan dalam aturan domestik dan terbatasnya kapasitas Indonesia di tingkat pendidikan dan teknologi masyarakat di pinggir pantai serta ketergantungan para nelayan pada hasil tangkapan dari hiu. Beberapa kondisi yang dialami oleh Indonesia merupakan hambatan dalam melakukan implementasi aturan CITES terkhusus perlindungan hiu martil dan hiu sutra. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/279 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.142-167.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 142-167 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/279/68 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/280 2023-05-20T18:18:44Z fetrian:ART

Keputusan Vladimir Putin dalam Kebijakan Special Military Operation (SMO) Terhadap Ukraina Pada Tahun 2022 Arli, Richard Ivander Moenir, Haiyyu Darman Dermawan, Rifki Russia, Vladimir Putin, Special Military Operation, Ukraine, Polyheuristic Rusia, Vladimir Putin, Special Military Operation, Ukraina, poliheuristik Russia launched a Special Military Operation (SMO) against Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The operation was based on Volodymyr Zelensky's planned membership of Ukraine to NATO in 2021. Vladimir Putin perceived the plan as a threat to Russia's core strategic interest in its national security. This decision has in fact put Russia on various international sanctions and condemnation. This study aims to explain the policy-making process that Vladimir Putin went through as president of Russia in that policy. The process will be analyzed using polyheuristic theory, which in its analysis is divided into two stages, namely the cognitive stage and the rational choice stage. This research is categorized as qualitative research with a descriptive analysis approach, utilizing secondary data. At the cognitive stage, there were three alternative options Putin had: the imposition of economic sanctions, continuing negotiations with the US, NATO, and Ukraine, and launching the military operation. Putin then decided to launch the military operation because it was considered rational to the interests of his domestic political dimension. This is aligned with the lexicographic decision rule identified at the rational choice stage, that Putin in deciding the SMO tends to ignore profits on other dimensions, such as the economy. Putin's preferred advantage corresponds to the support of the public and Russian elites, which is obtained by strengthening Russia's negotiating position against the United States, Ukraine, and NATO, and Russia's position as a great power. Tanggal 24 Februari 2022, Rusia melancarkan Special Military Operation (SMO) terhadap Ukraina. Operasi itu didasarkan atas rencana keanggotaan Ukraina pada NATO oleh Volodymyr Zelensky pada tahun 2021. Keputusan ini secara nyata berdampak pada pemberian sanksi dan kecaman internasional terhadap Rusia. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, penelitian ini ditujukan untuk menjelaskan proses pengambilan kebijakan yang dilalui Vladimir Putin sebagai presiden Rusia dalam kebijakan SMO. Proses tersebut akan dianalisis menggunakan teori poliheuristik, yang pada analisisnya terbagi menjadi dua tahapan, yaitu tahap kognitif dan tahap pilihan rasional. Metode dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis, memanfaatkan data-data sekunder yang ditemukan. Pada tahap kognitif, ditemukan tiga pilihan alternatif yang dimiliki Putin terkait dengan respon keanggotaan Ukraina terhadap NATO, yaitu pemberian sanksi ekonomi, melanjutkan upaya negosiasi terhadap AS, NATO, dan Ukraina, serta melancarkan operasi militer. Putin lalu memilih pilihan ketiga sebab dinilai rasional terhadap kepentingan dimensi politik domestiknya. Hal ini sejalan dengan decision rule lexicographic yang diidentifikasi pada tahap pilihan rasional, bahwa Putin dalam memutuskan SMO cenderung mengesampingkan keuntungan pada dimensi lainnya, seperti ekonomi. Keuntungan yang diutamakan Putin terkait dengan dukungan masyarakat serta elit-elit Rusia, yang mana didapatkan apabila dapat menguatkan posisi negosiasi Rusia terhadap AS, NATO, dan Ukraina, serta posisi Rusia sebagai negara great power. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-05-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/280 10.25077/fetrian.4.2.148-179.2022 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 4 No. 2 (2022); 148-179 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/280/61 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/282 2023-06-13T17:07:05Z fetrian:ART

Role of the Orangutan Information Centre in Orangutan Conservation in Gunung Leuser National Park Through the Collaborative Management Plan-Small Grants Program Peran Orangutan Information Centre Dalam Konservasi Orangutan Di Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser Melalui Collaborative Management Plan-Small Grants Programme Ebsyar, Athalla Vareel Harza, Zulkifli Nasir, Putiviola Elian The habitat of the Sumatran orangutan in the Gunung Leuser National Park (GLNP) area is under threat, due to illegal logging activities, construction of facilities and infrastructure, and encroachment on boundaries. In an effort to overcome this problem, the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity (ACB) in collaboration with the Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau (Kfw) created the Small Grants Program (SGP). SGP aims to support the efforts of the ASEAN Heritage Park (AHP) in protecting biodiversity, one of which is the orangutan. TNGL as AHP has been selected to run SGP in Indonesia and the Orangutan Information Centre (OIC) has been selected as a partner to run the SGP cycle one and cycle two at TNGL. OIC as a non-governmental organization (NGO) is taking part in orangutan conservation efforts in Gunung Leuser National Park through the Small Grants Program of the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity. The research method used is qualitative using descriptive analysis research types and utilizing interview data with the Orangutan Information Center and observations of the Gunung Leuser National Park. The concept of the role of non-governmental organizations according to Lewis and Kanji is used to answer the research problem formulation. In the SGP ACB project, OIC plays the role of implementer by carrying out activities, namely restoring the Induk Barak area, compiling technical guidelines for orangutan protection and mitigation strategies on the Karo Langkat road, conducting surveys of orangutan population density on the Karo Langkat road and Halaban restoration. As a catalyst OIC carried out activities namely facilitating restoration training for the Barak Induk community group, advocating for the government for the protection and mitigation of orangutans on the Karo Langkat road, conducting permaculture activities in (Halaban village, Telagah village and Bukit Mas village). As a partnership, OIC carries out activities, namely working with the Barak Induk community to restore the Barak Induk area, working with the government to conduct a population density survey of orangutans on the Karo Langkat and Halaban roads. Habitat orangutan sumatera di kawasan Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser (TNGL) mengalami ancaman, hal ini disebabkan karena adanya kegiatan penebangan liar (illegal logging), pembangunan fasilitas dan infrastruktur serta pelanggaran batas-batas. Dalam usaha mengatasi permasalahan ini, ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity (ACB) bekerja sama dengan Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau (Kfw) membuat program yaitu Small Grants Programme (SGP). SGP bertujuan untuk mendukung upaya ASEAN Heritage Park (AHP) dalam melindungi keanekaragaman hayati, dimana salah satunya adalah orangutan. TNGL sebagai AHP telah terpilih untuk menjalankan SGP di Indonesia. Pada SGP di TNGL terpilih Orangutan Information Centre (OIC) sebagai mitra untuk menjalankan program SGP siklus satu dan siklus dua di TNGL. OIC sebagai sebuah non governmental organization (NGO) turut mengambil peran dalam upaya konservasi orangutan di Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser melalui Small Grants Programme ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan menggunakan jenis penelitian deskriptif analisis serta memanfaatkan data wawancara dengan pihak Orangutan Information Centre dan observasi ke Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser. Konsep peran non governmental organization menurut Lewis dan Kanji digunakan untuk menjawab perumusan masalah penelitian. Dalam proyek SGP ACB ini OIC menjalankan peran sebagai implementer dengan melaksanakan aktivitas yaitu merestorasi wilayah Barak Induk, menyusun pedoman teknis strategi perlindungan dan mitigasi orangutan di jalan Karo Langkat, melakukan survei kepadatan populasi orangutan di jalan Karo Langkat dan restorasi Halaban. Sebagai catalyst OIC melaksanakan aktivitas yaitu memfasilitasi pelatihan restorasi untuk kelompok masyarakat Barak Induk, mengadvokasi pemerintah untuk perlindungan dan mitigasi orangutan di jalan Karo Langkat, melakukan kegiatan permakultur di (desa Halaban, desa Telagah dan desa Bukit Mas). Sebagai partnership OIC melaksanakan aktivitas yaitu bekerja sama dengan masyarakat Barak Induk untuk merestorasi wilayah Barak Induk, bekerja sama dengan pemerintah untuk melakukan survei kepadatan populasi orangutan di jalan Karo Langkat dan Halaban. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/282 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.106-141.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 106-141 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/282/66 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/283 2023-06-13T17:07:05Z fetrian:ART

Uncover the Indonesia Middlepowermanship: When Indonesia find the Middle Power Moment? Nanda, Bima Jon Indonesia is middle power state. But no state can be a middle power all the time. There is middle power moment which allows ones to pursue its middle powerdom. This article aim to explain Indonesia middlepowermanship and its middle power moment. This article applies a data-driven, qualitative approach using secondary data. This article argues that Indonesia middlepowermanship is Indonesia’s persistent effort to build a rules-based regional order in Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific using ASEAN and Bali Democracy Forum. While Indonesia middle power moment started as early of 2003, when Indonesia take the role as ASEAN chairmanship that lead into Bali Concord II and ASEAN Charted 2008. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/283 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.23-50.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 23-50 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/283/63 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/284 2023-06-13T17:07:05Z fetrian:ART

The Strategy of Taiwan Digital Diplomacy Association (TDDA) for Taiwan’s International Presence Ermylina, Eva Civil Society Digital Diplomacy Taiwan’s International Presence This paper examines Taiwan Digital Diplomacy Association (TDDA) 's strategy for gaining public awareness of Taiwan’s international presence. As a non-governmental and non-profit organization, TDDA can be classified as a civil society that has a pure interest. Unlike other civil society organizations which focus on human rights, justice, or environmental issues, the goal of TDDA is to promote Taiwan on the global stage. By using digital platform and actively campaigning on social media such as Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, TDDA acts as a part of citizen diplomat and helps the country reaches its goal which is to be present in the international community since Taiwan is isolated by China due the Cross-Strait issue and One China Policy. Moreover, this paper is a descriptive and qualitative research which is analysed by using the concept of civil society. The data is collected from interviewing the project manager of TDDA, research journals, and the internet sources such as official websites and social media. It can be mentioned that TDDA uses two main strategies to get its aim namely advocating and networking. However, how effective this strategy is not explained in this paper, the research about that topic might be done in the future.    Andalas Institute of International Studies 2023-06-13 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/284 10.25077/fetrian.5.1.51-75.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 1 (2023); 51-75 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/284/64 Copyright (c) 2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/288 2024-08-04T19:53:20Z fetrian:ART

Strategi Iran Terhadap Normalisasi Hubungan Uni Emirat Arab - Israel pada Tahun 2020: Strategi Iran Terhadap Normalisasi Hubungan Uni Emirat Arab - Israel pada Tahun 2020 Strategi Iran Terhadap Normalisasi Hubungan Uni Emirat Arab - Israel pada Tahun 2020: Strategi Iran Terhadap Normalisasi Hubungan Uni Emirat Arab - Israel pada Tahun 2020 Riyadi, Muhammad Aditya Moenir, Haiyyu Darman Jamilah, Maryam The normalization between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel that occurred in 2020 became a phenomenon that shocked the international community and became bad news for Iran. This is because in the normalization agreement (Abraham Accords) there are several points that have the potential to become a threat to Iran's existence and also there are several potential threats from this normalization to Iran so that Iran condemns this normalization. This research aims to describe and analyze Iran's strategy towards the normalization of UAE - Israel relations in 2020 using the offense-defense theory by Stephen Van Evera. The offense-defense theory consists of four factors that determine state strategy in security dilemma, namely military factors, geography factors, social and political order factors, and diplomatic factors. This research uses a qualitative research method with an analytical and descriptive approach and used secondary data that obtained through library research method. Based on these four factors, the researcher found that both offensive and defensive strategies have the potential to be applied by Iran regarding the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel in 2020, due to a balanced offensive and defensive potential. The conditions for offensive action are met by Iran in terms of military and diplomatic factors, while the conditions for defensive action are met by Iran in terms of geography and social and political order factors. Normalisasi antara Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) dan Israel yang terjadi pada tahun 2020 menjadi fenomena yang menggemparkan dunia internasional dan menjadi sebuah kabar buruk bagi Iran. Hal ini dikarenakan di dalam perjanjian normalisasi tersebut (Abraham Accords) terdapat beberapa poin yang berpotensi menjadi ancaman bagi eksistensi Iran dan juga terdapat beberapa potensi ancaman dari normalisasi tersebut terhadap Iran sehingga Iran memberikan kecaman terhadap normalisasi tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis strategi Iran terhadap normalisasi hubungan UEA - Israel pada tahun 2020 menggunakan teori offense-defense dari Stephen Van Evera. Teori offense-defense terdiri atas empat faktor yang menjadi penentu strategi negara dalam keadaan dilema keamanan yakni faktor militer, faktor geografi, faktor tatanan sosial dan politik, dan faktor diplomatik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analitis dan menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui metode studi kepustakaan. Berdasarkan empat faktor tersebut, peneliti menemukan bahwa kedua strategi yakni ofensif dan defensif berpotensi untuk diterapkan oleh Iran terhadap normalisasi hubungan UEA - Israel pada tahun 2020 karena terdapat potensi ofensif dan defensif yang berimbang. Syarat untuk bertindak ofensif dipenuhi oleh Iran pada faktor militer dan faktor diplomatik, sedangkan syarat untuk bertindak defensif dipenuhi oleh Iran pada faktor geografi dan faktor tatanan sosial dan politik. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2024-08-05 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/288 10.25077/fetrian.5.2.1-27.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 2 (2023); 1-27 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/288/69 Copyright (c) 2024 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/290 2024-08-05T03:54:30Z fetrian:ART

Kepentingan Vietnam Dalam Meningkatkan Kerja Sama Dengan Amerika Serikat Melalui US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership (2013-2023) Kepentingan Vietnam Dalam Meningkatkan Kerja Sama Dengan Amerika Serikat Melalui US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership (2013-2023) Sonia, Gina Apriwan, Apriwan Cory, Silvi US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership; Cooperation; National Interest; Vietnam; US US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership; Kepentingan Nasional; Kerja Sama; Vietnam; AS Abstract This research examines Vietnam's interests in increasing cooperation with the United States through the US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership. Vietnam, which has a history of turbulent relations with the US starting with wars in the past and ideological differences, through the US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership is able to increase cooperation with the US. This research used the framework of the concept of national interests by Charles Chong-Han Wu, where the distribution of state interests in international cooperation can be seen through security interests, community interests and economic interests. This research used qualitative methods and is descriptive analysis. This research found that there is an interest in Vietnam to increase cooperation with the US, namely security interests related to China's aggressiveness in the South China Sea region with the US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership increasing security assistance from the US. Furthermore, in the interests of the Vietnamese community, it can increase its role in the international world, such as participation in APEC and ASEAN-US, which can improve Vietnam's economy. Vietnam's economic interests can improve its economy with the US through the US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership. Abstrak Penelitian ini menjelaskan kepentingan Vietnam dalam meningkatkan kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat melalui US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership. Vietnam yang memiliki sejarah hubungan yang penuh gejolak dengan AS dimulai dengan perang di masa lalu dan terdapat perbedaan ideologi, melalui US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership mampu meningkatkan kerja sama dengan AS. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka konsep kepentingan nasional oleh Charles Chong-Han Wu yang mana pendistribusian kepentingan negara dalam kerja sama internasional dapat dilihat melalui kepentingan keamanan, kepentingan komunitas, dan kepentingan ekonomi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan bersifat deskriptif analisis.Temuan dari penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terdapat kepentingan Vietnam meningkatkan kerja sama dengan AS yaitu kepentingan keamanan terkait agresivitas Tiongkok di kawasan Laut Tiongkok Selatan dengan adanya US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership ini meningkatkan bantuan keamanan dari AS. Selanjutnya pada kepentingan komunitas Vietnam dapat meningkatkan perannya di dunia internasional dengan seperti keikutsertaan dalam APEC dan ASEAN-AS dapat meningkatkan perekonomian negara Vietnam. Selanjutnya pada kepentingan ekonomi Vietnam dapat meningkatkan perekonomiannya dengan  kerja sama bilateral dengan AS melalui US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2024-08-05 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/290 10.25077/fetrian.5.2.28-53.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 2 (2023); 28-53 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/290/73 Copyright (c) 2024 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/291 2025-05-25T08:55:12Z fetrian:ART

Comparing ARF and Six Party Talks in the North Korean Nuclear Issue: A Regional Institution Approach Pratama, Eros North Korea Nuclear Issue ASEAN Regional Studies The North Korean Nuclear Issue is one of the post-World War II problems that are not yet settled after the Cold War concluded. This issue has been escalated at least to the regional level that is being discussed not only by the two Koreas but also by some regional parties particularly in Asia. Two of the most well highlighted regional fora that handle the issue are the Six Party Talks and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). The existence of the two fora itself able to represent the two camps of regional studies in describing the dialogues on North Korean Nuclear issue: Global power-led and the multilateral mechanism-led. This paper is basically comparing the manifestations of these two camps. The result showed that for the case of North Korea issue, the multilateralist ARF able to consistently deal with the issue longer even though the progress is relatively low. The Six Party Talks is in contrast where with more ambitious goal, more dedicated forum to the issue, and larger involvement of the global powers, the Talks was unable to maintain its existence for a longer time nor achieve the expected progress. Permasalahan Korea Utara, khususnya mengenai nuklir, merupakan salah satu masalah yang berasal sejak berakhirnya Perang Dunia II yang belum dapat diselesaikan seiring dengan berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Permasalahan ini telah bereskalasi setidaknya ke tingkat regional di mana isu ini dibahas tidak hanya oleh Kedua Pihak Korea yang bertikai tetapi juga oleh beberapa forum regional khususnya di Asia. Dua dari forum yang disorot tersebut adalah Forum Regional ASEAN (ARF) dan Pembicaraan Enam Pihak (Six Party Talks). Keberadaan kedua forum ini pada dasarnya dapat merepresentasikan dua kubu dalam studi kawasan dalam mendeskripsikan permasalahan Korea Utara: dipimpin oleh kekuatan global dan mekanisme multilateral. Artikel ini pada dasarnya akan membandingkan manifestasi dari kedua kubu tersebut. Hasil dari perbandingan tadi menunjukkan bahwa untuk permasalahan Korea Utara, ARF yang multilateral dapat secara konsisten membahas isu ini lebih lama meskipun progres pembahasannya relatif lambat. Secara kontras, Six Party Talks yang memiliki target yang lebih ambisius, forum yang lebih terarah dan keterlibatan kekuatan global yang lebih besar, forum tersebut bahkan tidak dapat mempertahankan keberadaannya ataupun mencapai kemajuan pembicaraan yang diharapkan. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-05-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/291 10.25077/fetrian.5.2.83-109.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 2 (2023); 83-109 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/291/79 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/293 2025-08-12T06:15:34Z fetrian:ART

Liberal Feminism and Instrumentalist Marxism on the Concept of State Bahasa Inggris Yarmawati, Denny This essay attempts to compare Marxism and Feminism theories in regard to depict the definition of the state concept in a further analysis. Both Marxists and some feminists exemplify states as social relations. When Marxists see it as class relations between bourgeois and proletariat, Feminists identify it as gender – class relations between male and female (Kantola, 2006: 123).  Moreover, due to the attempt to investigate more about the theory of the state comparatively, this essay will focus on the instrumentalism to analyse the state in Marxism and compare it with state concept in feminism. Nonetheless, the relevancy of the comparison will also depend on the pertinent element of feminism. In feminism, there is a typology that divides the theory into several main elements which are liberal feminism, radical feminism, and Marxist-feminism. However, concerning about bringing a compatible outcome for this essay, a proportional component that is perceived as a suitable element to be compared with instrumentalism in Marxism theory is liberal feminism which indicated the first wave of feminism. As an outcome, this essay is expected to be able to provide a proper argument about which theory is deemed to be a relevant thought to explain the concept of state. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-08-12 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/293 10.25077/fetrian.6.1.1-17.2024 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025); 1-17 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/293/98 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/294 2025-05-25T08:55:13Z fetrian:ART

Partisipasi Jepang Dalam Pembangunan Transportasi Moda Raya Terpadu Indonesia Melalui Forum Group of Twenty (G-20) Suryanti, Made Selly Dwi Prayoga, Firlantio Alen Chandra As a developed country with leading expertise in the field of transportation infrastructure, Japan plays a very influential and vital role in the development of the MRT project in Indonesia. The contribution made by Japan through their expertise and experience in building transportation infrastructure can bring substantial benefits to the development of MRT in Indonesia. This research aims to explain the relations between Indonesia and Japan through the Group of 20 (G-20) meeting held in Bali in 2022. By using qualitative descriptive methods, this study will draw more on secondary data contained in related literature and online sources. The results of this research show that Japan's participation in the Group of Twenty (G-20) provides an important context for examining its role and contribution in the context of multilateral cooperation. The G20 is an international forum consisting of developed and developing countries that discusses global economic and financial issues. Within the G20 framework, Japan can interact with other member countries and increase their collaboration in developing MRT transportation in Indonesia. It is hoped that this research will contribute to adding to the literature related to bilateral cooperation, international economics in the study of international relations. As a developed country with leading expertise in the field of transportation infrastructure, Japan plays a very influential and vital role in the development of the MRT project in Indonesia. The contribution made by Japan through their expertise and experience in building transportation infrastructure can bring substantial benefits to the development of MRT in Indonesia. This research aims to explain the relations between Indonesia and Japan through the Group of 20 (G-20) meeting held in Bali in 2022. By using qualitative descriptive methods, this study will draw more on secondary data contained in related literature and online sources. The results of this research show that Japan's participation in the Group of Twenty (G-20) provides an important context for examining its role and contribution in the context of multilateral cooperation. The G20 is an international forum consisting of developed and developing countries that discusses global economic and financial issues. Within the G20 framework, Japan can interact with other member countries and increase their collaboration in developing MRT transportation in Indonesia. It is hoped that this research will contribute to adding to the literature related to bilateral cooperation, international economics in the study of international relations. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-05-19 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/294 10.25077/fetrian.5.2.54-82.2023 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 5 No. 2 (2023); 54-82 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/294/75 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/304 2026-05-04T05:07:21Z fetrian:ART

Islam Political Construction in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Halim, Abdul Nisrina, Athira Hafizh Ahmad Bayurizki Since the beginning of independence, Indonesia's Islamic identity has played an important role, especially in efforts to gain recognition from other countries. This research aims to find out how the construction of Islamic Identity in Indonesia's foreign policy making from the Soekarno to Jokowi administration. This research uses qualitative research methods by taking constructivism theory as an analytical knife. The results show that Islamic identity has an important role in Indonesia's foreign policy, especially in the era of President Soekarno, Megawati, and SBY. Meanwhile, during the reigns of Soekarno, Habibie and Gus Dur, Islamic identity still played an important role, although it did not have a significant influence on foreign policy. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-05-04 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/304 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.39-68.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 39-68 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/304/114 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/305 2026-04-17T03:25:15Z fetrian:ART

Hubungan Krisis Iklim dan Konflik Komunal: Analisis Akar Kekekrasan di Sahel HUBUNGAN KRISIS IKLIM DAN KONFLIK KOMUNAL : ANALISIS KEKERASAN DI SAHEL Mutiara Nursukma Wulandari Debora Fany Ilfi Nurdiana Marsya Ade Nabila Zaky Ismail Sahel, climate crisis, communal conflict, violence, resources The Sahel region of Africa has experienced an increase in communal conflict in the last two decades. This research aims to understand the extent to which the climate crisis has contributed to the emergence of violence in the region. Changes in rainfall patterns, prolonged droughts and land degradation have exacerbated struggles over resources such as water and pasture between farming and pastoralist groups. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach through content analysis. Data sources were obtained from reports of international organizations (such as the UN, FAO, and ICRC), scientific journal articles, and global conflict databases. The data were analyzed to identify patterns of relationships between climate change phenomena and communal conflict dynamics. The results of the analysis show that the climate crisis is not a single cause, but a trigger factor that exacerbates pre-existing socio-economic tensions, such as marginalization of ethnic groups, weak local governance, and unequal access to resources. In other words, the climate crisis acts as a “threat multiplier” that increases the risk of conflict in an already vulnerable region. The research recommends a holistic approach to conflict management in the Sahel, combining climate adaptation policies, inclusive development and strengthening local institutions. The Sahel region of Africa has experienced an increase in communal conflict in the last two decades. This research aims to understand the extent to which the climate crisis has contributed to the emergence of violence in the region. Changes in rainfall patterns, prolonged droughts and land degradation have exacerbated struggles over resources such as water and pasture between farming and pastoralist groups. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach through content analysis. Data sources were obtained from reports of international organizations (such as the UN, FAO, and ICRC), scientific journal articles, and global conflict databases. The data were analyzed to identify patterns of relationships between climate change phenomena and communal conflict dynamics. The results of the analysis show that the climate crisis is not a single cause, but a trigger factor that exacerbates pre-existing socio-economic tensions, such as marginalization of ethnic groups, weak local governance, and unequal access to resources. In other words, the climate crisis acts as a “threat multiplier” that increases the risk of conflict in an already vulnerable region. The research recommends a holistic approach to conflict management in the Sahel, combining climate adaptation policies, inclusive development and strengthening local institutions Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-04-17 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/305 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.153-171.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 153-171 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/305/109 Copyright (c) 2026 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/306 2025-08-11T06:57:13Z fetrian:ART

The Effectiveness of International Environmental Regimes: A Comparative Analysis of the Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement: Analisis Komparatif terhadap Protokol Kyoto dan Kesepakatan Paris Efektivitas Rejim Lingkungan Internasional: Analisis Komparatif terhadap Protokol Kyoto dan Kesepakatan Paris Nugroho, Bambang Wahyu Ghanem, Hamdi M.G.A.A international environmental regimes regime effectiveness Kyoto Protocol Paris Agreement MRV systems rejim lingkungan internasional efektivitas rejim Protokol Kyoto Kesepakatan Paris Sistem MRV The persistent challenge of global environmental degradation underscores the critical need to evaluate the efficacy of international environmental regimes (IERs). This study conducts a rigorous comparative analysis of the Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement to identify determinants of regime effectiveness, conceptualized through compliance, empowerment, and socialization. Employing a mixed-methods approach—including qualitative document analysis, semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders, and quantitative assessment of emission data—we examine how regime design, contextual factors, and actor commitment influence outcomes. Our findings reveal that effectiveness is significantly constrained by structural asymmetries in commitments, inadequate verification mechanisms, and divergent national interests. While the Paris Agreement’s polycentric architecture offers greater adaptability, its reliance on voluntary Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) risks ambition gaps. The Kyoto Protocol’s binding targets suffered from limited participation and enforcement incapacity. We conclude that robust effectiveness requires adaptive frameworks integrating legally binding elements with equitable burden-sharing, stringent monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems, and enhanced legitimacy through inclusive governance. Policy implications emphasize redesigning compliance incentives and strengthening transnational accountability networks. Tantangan yang terus-menerus terkait degradasi lingkungan global menyoroti kebutuhan kritis untuk mengevaluasi efektivitas rezim lingkungan internasional (IERs). Studi ini melakukan analisis komparatif yang ketat antara Protokol Kyoto dan Perjanjian Paris untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor penentu efektivitas rezim, yang dikonseptualisasikan melalui kepatuhan, pemberdayaan, dan sosialisasi. Menggunakan pendekatan campuran—termasuk analisis dokumen kualitatif, wawancara semi-terstruktur dengan pemangku kepentingan utama, dan penilaian kuantitatif data emisi—kami mengeksplorasi bagaimana desain rezim, faktor kontekstual, dan komitmen aktor memengaruhi hasil. Temuan kami menunjukkan bahwa efektivitas secara signifikan dibatasi oleh ketidakseimbangan struktural dalam komitmen, mekanisme verifikasi yang tidak memadai, dan kepentingan nasional yang bertentangan. Meskipun arsitektur polikentrik Perjanjian Paris menawarkan fleksibilitas yang lebih besar, ketergantungannya pada Kontribusi yang Ditentukan Secara Nasional (NDC) sukarela berisiko menimbulkan kesenjangan ambisi. Target mengikat Protokol Kyoto menderita akibat partisipasi yang terbatas dan ketidakmampuan penegakan hukum. Kami menyimpulkan bahwa efektivitas yang kuat memerlukan kerangka kerja adaptif yang mengintegrasikan unsur-unsur mengikat secara hukum dengan pembagian beban yang adil, sistem pemantauan, pelaporan, dan verifikasi (MRV) yang ketat, serta legitimasi yang ditingkatkan melalui tata kelola inklusif. Implikasi kebijakan menekankan perlunya merancang ulang insentif kepatuhan dan memperkuat jaringan akuntabilitas transnasional. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-08-11 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/306 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.1-38.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 1-38 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/306/87 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/308 2025-08-16T15:10:41Z fetrian:ART

Implementasi Sanksi Ekonomi Pemerintah Inggris Terhadap Rusia di Liga Sepak Bola Inggris pada Tahun 2022-2023 Implementasi Sanksi Ekonomi Pemerintah Inggris Terhadap Rusia di Liga Sepak Bola Inggris pada Tahun 2022-2023 Yudhistira, Evantio Arisanto, Puguh Toko This study examines the targeted economic sanctions (smart sanctions) imposed by the UK Government on Russian-affiliated actors in the English Premier League during the 2022–2023 period, in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Using a descriptive-analytical qualitative approach, the study explores how international economic sanctions became closely linked to the world of professional football and highlights the concept of issue linkage, particularly negative linkage, in international relations. The UK Government imposed sanctions including asset freezes, restrictions on ownership and new investments, termination of sponsorship agreements, and limitations on financial services targeting clubs affiliated with Russia, such as Chelsea FC, Everton FC, and Arsenal FC. These sanctions caused financial instability, disrupted commercial operations, and led to changes in club ownership. The study also finds that the pressure from these sanctions prompted both the UK Government and the Premier League to strengthen regulations on foreign ownership transparency and investment oversight, marking a shift toward stricter control in the English football industry. This study examines the targeted economic sanctions (smart sanctions) imposed by the UK Government on Russian-affiliated actors in the English Premier League during the 2022–2023 period, in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Using a descriptive-analytical qualitative approach, the study explores how international economic sanctions became closely linked to the world of professional football and highlights the concept of issue linkage, particularly negative linkage, in international relations. The UK Government imposed sanctions including asset freezes, restrictions on ownership and new investments, termination of sponsorship agreements, and limitations on financial services targeting clubs affiliated with Russia, such as Chelsea FC, Everton FC, and Arsenal FC. These sanctions caused financial instability, disrupted commercial operations, and led to changes in club ownership. The study also finds that the pressure from these sanctions prompted both the UK Government and the Premier League to strengthen regulations on foreign ownership transparency and investment oversight, marking a shift toward stricter control in the English football industry. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-08-16 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/308 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.96 - 132.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 96 - 132 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/308/101 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/309 2026-04-17T02:34:00Z fetrian:ART

The Politics of Woman Killing: Intimate Femicide in Heterosexual Partners in Indonesia Syahmel , Olivia Khurunin, Irza Femicide Indonesia Radical Feminism Patriarchy Hegemonic Masculinity Femicide is generally understood as the gendered killing of women, in which men kill women because they are women. Gender differences in femicide highlight the necessity of paying close attention to the phenomenon of femicide perpetrated by intimate partners and the theories that can be utilized to comprehend this prevalent and persistent issue. Despite decades of efforts to combat violence against women, femicide continues to be a significant concern in Indonesia. The aim of this research is to develop an understanding of femicide in heterosexual partners in Indonesia. We use the qualitative method and radical feminism approach. In this article, we examine the basic tenets of radical feminism as a framework for comprehending and making sense of intimate partner femicide in Indonesia. This study analyzes femicide in Indonesia through the lens of radical feminist theory, which conceptualizes patriarchy as an institutionalized system of political power in which male domination over women’s bodies and lives constitutes the root of extreme gender-based violence. The analysis demonstrates that femicide in Indonesia cannot be understood merely as an individual act of crime, but rather as the most extreme manifestation of institutionalized patriarchy embedded within social, cultural, and state structures. The findings of this paper are that femicide in Indonesia continues to occur and is consistently reduced to an individual crime, as patriarchal power relations shape social, cultural, and political structures and prevent a holistic recognition of women’s embodied experiences. Femisida secara umum dipahami sebagai pembunuhan berdasarkan gender terhadap perempuan, di mana laki-laki membunuh perempuan karena mereka ‘perempuan’. Perbedaan gender dalam femisida menyoroti perlunya memperhatikan fenomena femisida yang dilakukan oleh pasangan intim dan teori-teori yang dapat digunakan untuk memahami masalah yang masih terjadi hingga saat ini. Terlepas dari upaya selama puluhan tahun untuk memerangi kekerasan terhadap perempuan, femisida terus menjadi perhatian utama di Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan pemahaman tentang femisida dalam relasi intim di Indonesia. Kami menggunakan metode kualitatif dan pendekatan feminism radikal. Dalam artikel ini, penulis mengkaji prinsip-prinsip dasar feminisme radikal sebagai kerangka untuk memahami dan memaknai femisida pasangan intim di Indonesia. Kami juga menyoroti bukti empiris untuk mendukung perspektif feminism radikal ini dalam membedah kasus femisida. Premis dasar penelitian ini adalah ada aspek politis dalam kasus femisida yang berakar dari ketimpangan relasi yang berlarut-larut antara laki-laki dan perempuan, dan ketimpangan tersebut termanifestasi dalam hubungan intim. Pada bagian akhir, kami memberikan penelitian dan implikasi kebijakan yang ditujukan untuk pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang masalah ini.   Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-04-17 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/309 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.133-152.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 133-152 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/309/108 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/310 2025-08-12T06:11:43Z fetrian:ART

Peran Strategis LPBI NU Jombang: Solusi Lokal dalam Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim Global Peran Strategis LPBI NU Jombang dalam Isu Lingkungan Global Iskandar, Winda Nurlaily Rafikalia Rodhotul Uswatun Chasanah Latifatul Ilmia Farah Salsabila Jombang LPBI NU Transnational Environmental Global Environmental Issues This research focuses on global environmental issues that impact the local level, both in urban and rural areas. Various elements of society are expected to play an active role in responding to global environmental issues, one of which is driven by a religious based organization, Lembaga Penanggulangan Bencana dan Perubahan Iklim Nahdlatul Ulama (LPBI NU) Jombang. The purpose of this research is to examine the role of LPBI NU Jombang in responding to global environmental issues. This research uses the transnational environmental concept by Reiner Grundmann, which links global environmental issues not only the responsibility of government actors but also emphasizes the framework of cooperation between various elements and transnational actors, both governmental and non-governmental actors. This research used qualitative methods and descriptive analysis. Data collection techniques in this research used literature studies and in-depth interview with the head of LPBI NU Jombang. The results of this study indicate that LPBI NU Jombang plays an active role as an agent of change to environmental issues in Jombang. Some programs initiated by LPBI NU Jombang include GASPOL, JAMSENA, and Madrasah Tangguh Bencana. The activities are a collaboration between multi-actors with adapting local conditions. Although the issues and guidelines used by LPBI NU Jombang are international, the resulting solutions prioritize local values to ensure targeted effectiveness. Penelitian ini berfokus pada isu-isu lingkungan global yang berdampak pada tingkat lokal, baik di perkotaan maupun pedesaan. Berbagai elemen masyarakat diharapkan berperan aktif dalam menanggapi isu-isu lingkungan global, salah satunya digerakkan oleh organisasi berbasis keagamaan, Lembaga Penanggulangan Bencana dan Perubahan Iklim Nahdlatul Ulama (LPBI NU) Jombang. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengkaji peran LPBI NU Jombang dalam menanggapi isu-isu lingkungan global. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep lingkungan transnasional oleh Reiner Grundmann, yang mengaitkan isu-isu lingkungan global tidak hanya tanggung jawab aktor pemerintah namun juga menekankan kerangka kerja sama antara berbagai elemen dan aktor transnasional, baik aktor pemerintah maupun non-pemerintah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan analisis deskriptif. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan studi pustaka dan wawancara mendalam dengan ketua LPBI NU Jombang. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa LPBI NU Jombang berperan aktif sebagai agen perubahan terhadap isu-isu lingkungan di Jombang. Beberapa program yang diinisiasi LPBI NU Jombang antara lain GASPOL, JAMSENA, dan Madrasah Tangguh Bencana. Kegiatan-kegiatan tersebut merupakan kolaborasi multi-aktor dengan mengadaptasi kondisi lokal. Meskipun isu dan pedoman yang digunakan LPBI NU Jombang bersifat internasional, solusi yang dihasilkan mengutamakan nilai-nilai lokal untuk memastikan efektivitas yang tepat sasaran. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2025-08-12 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/310 10.25077/fetrian.7.1.69-95.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 1 (2025); 69-95 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/310/96 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/311 2026-04-20T03:08:17Z fetrian:ART

The COP28 Controversy and Its Impact on Indonesia as a Developing Country The COP28 Controversy and Its Impact on Indonesia as a Developing Country nurdin, rafi COP28, climate diplomacy, Indonesia, climate change The COP28 conference is a multilateral forum that brings together nearly 200 countries to respond to the urgency of the global climate crisis through a shared commitment to the transition from fossil fuels to environmentally friendly energy. In this conference, Indonesia not only acts as an active participant, but also as a representative of developing countries that face challenges in implementing the energy transition. Even though it is an important country in COP28, Indonesia's position as a developing country at this conference means that Indonesia remains one of the countries that is likely to be affected by a number of controversies behind the existence of COP28, especially exploitation planned by the host and developing countries that are participants. This research aims to understand Indonesia's contribution to COP28, the controversy that occurred at this conference, and the impact of the existing controversy on Indonesia as a developing country. Konferensi COP28 merupakan forum multilateral yang mempertemukan hampir 200 negara untuk merespons urgensi krisis iklim global melalui komitmen bersama terhadap transisi dari bahan bakar fosil ke energi ramah lingkungan. Dalam konferensi ini, Indonesia tidak hanya berperan sebagai peserta aktif, namun juga sebagai perwakilan negara-negara berkembang yang menghadapi tantangan dalam melaksanakan transisi energi. Meski merupakan negara penting dalam COP28, namun posisi Indonesia sebagai negara berkembang pada konferensi ini membuat Indonesia tetap menjadi salah satu negara yang kemungkinan besar akan terkena dampak dari sejumlah kontroversi di balik keberadaan COP28, terutama eksploitasi yang direncanakan oleh negara tuan rumah dan negara berkembang yang menjadi peserta. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami kontribusi Indonesia pada COP28, kontroversi yang terjadi pada konferensi ini, dan dampak kontroversi yang ada terhadap Indonesia sebagai negara berkembang. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-04-20 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/311 10.25077/fetrian.7.2.81-104.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 2 (2025); 81-104 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/311/110 Copyright (c) 2026 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/313 2026-04-20T03:08:17Z fetrian:ART

Formulasi Lingkaran Mandala Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Pasca Jokowi: FPA Formulasi Lingkaran Mandala Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Pasca Jokowi: FPA Fathun, Laode Zahra Nathania, Vania Pringgo Sejati, Satryo Din Aulia, Jamal Nurlaela, Della Formulation, Foreign Policy, Mandala, Prabowo This paper aims to describe the formulation of the Mandala of Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post Jokowi era. The main focus of this study is the recognition that both domestic and international political situations are constantly evolving. Moreover, differences in leadership styles lead to variations in the tactics and strategies adopted. This study employs secondary data as the basis of analysis through a literature review. The theoretical framework applied is the Mandala model of foreign policy. The findings indicate that the formulation of Indonesia’s foreign policy is influenced by domestic and international factors as well as leadership style and experience. In the post Jokowi era President Prabowo whose approach differs from that of his predecessors such as Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo has adopted distinct strategies and tactics. Prabowo is characterized by strategic tactical and hierarchical thinking. This style reshapes Indonesia’s Mandala model compared to previous administrations. Consequently internal and external challenges will require Prabowo to be both a smart leader in diplomacy and a smart leader in decision making. Given the ever changing dynamics innovation and adaptability will be essential. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan formulasi Mandala kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia di era pasca-Jokowi. Fokus utama studi ini adalah pengakuan bahwa situasi politik domestik dan internasional terus berkembang. Lebih lanjut, perbedaan gaya kepemimpinan menyebabkan variasi dalam taktik dan strategi yang diadopsi. Studi ini menggunakan data sekunder sebagai dasar analisis melalui tinjauan pustaka. Kerangka teori yang diterapkan adalah model Mandala kebijakan luar negeri. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa formulasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dipengaruhi oleh faktor domestik dan internasional serta gaya dan pengalaman kepemimpinan. Di era pasca-Jokowi, Presiden Prabowo, yang pendekatannya berbeda dari pendahulunya seperti Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo, telah mengadopsi strategi dan taktik yang berbeda. Prabowo dicirikan oleh pemikiran strategis, taktis, dan hierarkis. Gaya ini membentuk kembali model Mandala Indonesia dibandingkan dengan pemerintahan sebelumnya. Akibatnya, tantangan internal dan eksternal akan menuntut Prabowo untuk menjadi pemimpin yang cerdas dalam diplomasi dan pemimpin yang cerdas dalam pengambilan keputusan. Mengingat dinamika yang terus berubah, inovasi dan kemampuan beradaptasi akan menjadi sangat penting. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-01-28 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/313 10.25077/fetrian.7.2.1-41.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 2 (2025); 1-41 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/313/106 Copyright (c) 2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/314 2026-04-20T03:08:17Z fetrian:ART

Prostitusi di Thailand: Pertarungan Tatanan Dunia melalui Tiga Pendekatan Prostitusi di Thailand: Pertarungan Tatanan Dunia melalui Tiga Pendekatan Rachman, Muhammad Fauzi Abdul Retno, Harviani Fajar Ideas Norms Prostitution Thailand World Order Ide Norma Prostitusi Thailand Tatanan Dunia Prostitusi merupakan isu serius di Thailand dan menjadi tantangan bagi pemerintah serta masyarakatnya, padahal Thailand telah meratifikasi CEDAW pada tahun 1985 dan Palermo Protokol pada tahun 2013 yang merupakan legalitas bagi komitmen untuk menghapus eksploitasi seksual, termasuk prostitusi. Dari dua latar belakang yang bertentangan tersebut, penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana propagasi ide dan norma antara hegemoni Barat melawan dunia ketiga, dalam hal ini Thailand, terkait ide dan norma prostitusi. Pertarungan ide dan norma tersebut, secara sederhana, adalah proses mengadopsi tatanan dunia, ide, dan norma terkait prostitusi ke dalam konteks lokal. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analitis melalui data sekunder. Tiga pendekatan tatanan dunia, yakni interaksi strategis, sosialisasi hegemonik, dan konstruksi sosial dipakai untuk melihat dinamika kekuasaan membentuk ide dan norma terkait prostitusi di Thailand. Ketiganya bermuara pada simpulan bahwa dinamika kekuasaan eksternal, yakni hipokrasi Barat dan perancangan Thailand sebagai tempat prostitusi di masa Perang Dingin, serta internal, yaitu ajaran Budhisme, kemiskinan, dan korupsi para elite Thailand, menyebabkan lestarinya prostitusi di Thailand. Dengan kata lain, lapisan global, regional, nasional, lokal, hingga rural di Thailand menerima dan membentuk penerimaan sendiri terkait materi serta ide dalam prostitusi. Prostitusi merupakan isu serius di Thailand dan menjadi tantangan bagi pemerintah serta masyarakatnya, padahal Thailand telah meratifikasi CEDAW pada tahun 1985 dan Palermo Protokol pada tahun 2013 yang merupakan legalitas bagi komitmen untuk menghapus eksploitasi seksual, termasuk prostitusi. Dari dua latar belakang yang bertentangan tersebut, penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana propagasi ide antara hegemoni Barat melawan ide dan norma dunia ketiga, dalam hal ini Thailand, terkait ide dan norma prostitusi di ranah domestiknya sendiri. Pertarungan ide dan norma tersebut, secara sederhana, adalah proses mengadopsi tatanan dunia, ide, dan norma terkait prostitusi ke dalam konteks lokal. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analitis melalui data sekunder. Tiga pendekatan tatanan dunia, yakni interaksi strategis, sosialisasi hegemonik, dan konstruksi sosial dipakai untuk melihat dinamika kekuasaan membentuk ide dan norma terkait prostitusi di Thailand. Hasil analisis menyimpulkan dinamika kekuasaan eksternal, yakni hipokrasi Barat, dan internal, yaitu ajaran Budhisme, kemiskinan, dan korupsi para elite Thailand, menyebabkan lestarinya prostitusi di Thailand. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-01-28 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/314 10.25077/fetrian.7.2.42-80.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 2 (2025); 42-80 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/314/105 Copyright (c) 2026 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/323 2026-04-27T05:17:31Z fetrian:ART

Analisis Kepentingan Nasional Indonesia Dan Inggris Dalam Kerja Sama Transisi Energi: Studi Kasus Program Menuju Transisi Energi Rendah Karbon Indonesia (MENTARI) Analisis Kepentingan Nasional Indonesia Dan Inggris Dalam Kerja Sama Transisi Energi: Studi Kasus Program Menuju Transisi Energi Rendah Karbon Indonesia (MENTARI) Maruti, Ayu Chotimah, Hidayat Chusnul Arisanto, Puguh Toko Energy Transition MENTARI UK Indonesia The Shadow of The Future Energy Transition; MENTARI; UK; Indonesia; The Shadow of the Future. This study aims to examine the national interests of the United Kingdom and Indonesia within the MENTARI program, utilizing Axelrod and Keohane's "Shadow of the Future" dimension as an analytical framework. Authors employ qualitative methods, including interviews and document analysis, The findings indicate a shared recognition by both nations that the global energy landscape will be predominantly shaped by renewable sources. Therefore, both countries established a partnership to speed up the energy transition and reduce their dependence on environmentally harmful fossil fuels, a major driver of climate change. The analysis reveals that the UK's interests align with its obligation as a developed country under the Paris Agreement to provide climate finance, coupled with its strategic ambition to secure a market share in Indonesia's renewable energy sector to bolster its position as a global leader in the field. Conversely, Indonesia's primary interest lies in attracting foreign investment to catalyse its domestic renewable energy development and accelerate its national energy transition process. Abstract This study aims to examine the national interests of the United Kingdom and Indonesia within the MENTARI program, utilizing Axelrod and Keohane's "Shadow of the Future" dimension as an analytical framework. Authors employ qualitative methods, including interviews and document analysis, The findings indicate a shared recognition by both nations that the global energy landscape will be predominantly shaped by renewable sources. Therefore, both countries established a partnership to speed up the energy transition and reduce their dependence on environmentally harmful fossil fuels, a major driver of climate change. The analysis reveals that the UK's interests align with its obligation as a developed country under the Paris Agreement to provide climate finance, coupled with its strategic ambition to secure a market share in Indonesia's renewable energy sector to bolster its position as a global leader in the field. Conversely, Indonesia's primary interest lies in attracting foreign investment to catalyse its domestic renewable energy development and accelerate its national energy transition process. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-04-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/323 10.25077/fetrian.7.2.105-137.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 2 (2025); 105-137 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/323/112 Copyright (c) 2026 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)

oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/328 2026-05-04T03:10:07Z fetrian:ART

Coorperation between Indonesia and Cambodia in Combating Human Trafficking M. Auri, saskiya_prambandari Bambang W. Nugroho Indonesia, Cambodia, TPPO, Bilateral Cooperation, Complex Interdependence Human trafficking (TPPO) against Indonesia citizens (WNI) in Cambodia has increased significantly between 2021 and 2023. One of the main factors driving this high number of cases is the prevalence of job vacancy scams targeting Indonesian job seekers with the lure of high salaries and atrractive working conditions. This study analyzes the implementation of bilateral coorperation between Indonesia and Cambodia in handling TPPO through three key aspects: intelligence exchange, lawa enforcement capacity building, and retriation mechanisms. The method used is a qualitative approach through document analysis, including the 2022 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), ASEAN-ACT reports, and IOM data. The results of the study show that despite improved coordination and success in several cases, disparities in law enforcement capacity between countries remain a major obstacle. Recommendations include policy harmonization, joint training, and strengthening multistakeholder coordination mechanisms to maximize the effectiviness of bilateral cooperation. Andalas Institute of International Studies 2026-05-04 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/328 10.25077/fetrian.7.2.138-155.2025 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN); Vol. 7 No. 2 (2025); 138-155 2686-5122 eng https://fetrian.fisip.unand.ac.id/index.php/fetrian/article/view/328/113 Copyright (c) 2026 Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN)